Skip to main content

Full text of "National platforms of the Republican, Democratic, Fusion populist or Peoples, Mid-road populist or Peoples, and Prohibition parties"

See other formats

This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 
to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 
publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 

We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http : //books . google . com/ 




University of Michigan ^ 

Presented by I 

190b 5 






rOR PRt^t DE NT* 





^O^ ^^^ 


Thb Bbst Routb 

To a9d firaiii 

Utah \ Pointa 

Paoifio Coast 
^**;;^^" Pugfet Sound 

Cities in tlie Great 


Union Pacific 

••Tlie Ovorland Route.'* 

Th& Great Jl£erit8 of thia I.ino are 
Buffet Smoking and. Lfibrary Cars 
Double Dret-winff Room Pullman Sleeping Cars 
Pullmen Hining Cars, jSleetls a la Cetrte 
Ordinary Sleeping Cars 
Blegant Day Coaohes 
Union Depots 
Bast Time Fintsoh L,igtit Steam Heat, Bto. 

For complete informalion relative to thU line, time of trainn, jKimpMets descriptive 
of the country traverned, etc., etc., ccUl on your nearest ticket agent, any a^ent of 
thU line shown on third page of cover, or address B. L. LOMAX, O. P. & T. A., 

National Platforms 


Republicdfl, Democriitic 
Fusion Populist or Peoples 
Nid-koad Pplist or Peoples 
and Proliiliition Parties 

And other valuable and statistical 
information — compiled from official 
publications^^ ji ji ji ji ji 


Copyrighted 1900 
By E. L. LOMAX, General Passenger and Ticket Agent* 





A Trip to California. 92 

Charles A. Towne Declines the Nomination 55-57 

Chief Departments of the National Government and Salaries 82 

Constitution of the United States 83-91 

Democratic Platform . ,,,. m 34-40 

Electoral Vote in 1896 79 

Fusion Populist or Peoples Party Platform 51-55 

How the President is Elected 76 

Letter of Acceptance of President William McKinley . ? 9-33 

Letter of Acceptance of William J. Bryan 41-50 

Letter of Acceptance of Jonn G. Woolley 65-69 

Mid-Road Populist or People? Party Platform 58-59 

Monetary System of the United States 80-82 

Naturalization Laws 70-71 

Persons Excluded from Suffrage 72-74 

Popular and Electoral Votes for President, 1824-1896 75 

Popular Vote for President 1896 77 

Prohibition Party Platform 60-64 

Republican Platform 3-8 

Registration of Voters 74 

Standard Publications 95-96 

States of the Union 78 

The Best Route i 

The Quick Trains 93 

Union Pacific Agencies 97 

Voting Qualifications 71-72 

Woman Suffrage 74 


Republican Candidate for President 


Republican Candidate for Vice-President 




The Republicans of the United States, through their chosen 
representatives, met in national convention, looking back upon an 
unsurpassed record of achievement and looking forward into a great 
^eld of duty and opportunity; and, appealing to the judgment of 
their countrymen, make these declarations: 


The expectation in which the American people, turning from 
the Democratic party, intrusted power four years ago to a Republican 
Chief Magistrate and a Republican Congress, has been met and sat- 
isfied. When the people then assembled at the polls, after a term 
of Democratic legislation and administration, business was dead, in- 
dustry paralyzed, and the national credit disastrously impaired. The 
country's capital was hidden away and its labor distressed and unen^- 
ployed. The Democrats had no other plan with which to improve 
the ruinous conditions, which they had themselves produced, than to 
coin silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. 


The Republican party, denouncing this plan as sure to produce 
conditions even worse than those from which relief was sought, 
promised to restore prosperity by means of two legislative measures 
— a protective tariff and a law making gold the standard of value. 

The people, by great majorities, issued to the Republican party a 
commission to enact these laws. This commission has been executed, 
and the Republican promise is redeemed. 

Prosperity more general and more abundant than we have ever 
known has followed these enactments. There is no longer controversy 
as to the value of any government obligations. Every American 
dollar is a gold dollar or its assured equivalent, and American credit 
stands higher than that of any nation. Capital is fully employed 
and everywhere labor is profitably occupied. No single fact can 
more strikingly tell the story of what Republican government means 
to the country than this — that while during the whole period of 107 
years, from 1790 to 1897, there was an excess of exports over imports 
of only $383,028,497, there has been in the short three years of the 
present Republican administration an excess of exports over imports 
in the enormous sum of $1,483,537,091. 


And while the American people, sustained by this Republican 
legislation, have been achieving these splendid triumphs in their 
business and commerce, they have conducted and in victory con- 
cluded a war for liberty and human rights. No thought of national 
aggrandizement tarnished the high purpose with which American 
standards were unfurled. 

It was a war unsought and patiently resisted, but when it came 
the American government was ready. Its fleets were cleared for 
action. Its armies were in the field, and the quick and signal triumph 
of its forces on land and sea bore equal tribute to the courage of 
American soldiers and sailors and to the skill and foresight of Repub- 
lican statesmanship. To ten millions of the human race there was 
given "a new birth of freedom,*' and to the American people a new 
and noble responsibility. 


We indorse the administration of William McKinley. Its acts 
have been established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home and 
abroad it has distinctly elevated and extended the influence of the 
American nation. 

Walking untried paths and facing unforeseen responsibilities. 
President McKinley has been in every situation the true American 
patriot and the upright statesman, clear in vision,strong in judgment, 
firm in action, always inspiring, and deserving the confidence of his 

In asking the American people to indorse this Republican record 
and to renew their commission to the Republican party, we remind 
them of the fact that the menace to their prosperity has always 
resided in Democratic principles and no less in the general incapacity 
of the Democratic party to conduct public affairs. 

The prime essential of business prosperity is public confidence in 
the good sense of the government and in iis ability to deal intelli- 
gently with each new problem of administration and legislation. 
That confidence the Democratic party has never earned. It is hope- 
leBBljr inadequate, and the country's prosperity when Democratic suc- 
oeas at the polls 18 announced halts and ceases VunnirQ b.xi\\c,\^^\.\oxi 
of Democratio blunders and failures. 


We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold standard and 
declare oiir confidence in the wisdom of the leglslati< n of the Fifty- 
sixth Congress, hy which the parity of all our money and the stability 
of our currency on a gold basis have been secured. 

We recognize that interest rates are a potent faptor in production 
and business activity, and for the purpose of further equalizing and 
of further lowering the rates of interest we favor such monetary legis- 
lation as will enable the varying needs of the season and of all sec- 
tions to be promptly met in order that trade may be evenly sustained, 
labor steadily employed, and commerce enlarged. 

The volume of money in circulation was never so great per capita 
as it is to-day. We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and 
unlimited coinage of silver. No measure to that end oould be con- 
sidered which was without the support of the leading commercial 
countries of the world. However firmly Republican legislation may 
seem to have secured the country against the peril of base and dis- 
credited currency, the election of a Democratic President could not 
fail to impair the country's credit and to bring once more into ques- 
tion the intention of the American people to maintain upon the gold 
standard the parity of their money circulation. The Democratic 
party must be convinced that the American people will never tolerate 
the Chicago platform. 


We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest co-opera- 
. tion of capital to meet new business conditions, and especially to ex- 
tend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all con- 
spiracies and combinations intended to* restrict business, to create 
monopolies, to limit production, or to control prices, and favor such 
legislation as will effectually restrain and prevent all such abuses, 
protect and promote competition, and secure the rights of producers, 
laborers, and all who are engaged in industry and commerce. 


We renew our faith in the policy of protection to American labor. 
In that policy our industries have been established, diversified and 
maintained. By protecting the home market the competition has 
been stimulated and production cheapened. Opportunity to the in- 
ventive genius of our people has been secured and wages in every 
department of labor maintained at high rates, higher now than ever 
before, always distinguishing our working people in their better con- 
ditions of life from those of any competing country. 

Enjoying the blessings of American common school, secure in the 
right of self-government,and protected in the occupancy of their own 
markets, their constantly increasing knowledge and skill have enabled 
them finally to enter the markets of the world. We favor the 
associated policy of reciprocity so diTftc\»^^ ^"^Xo q^tiwi^ ^s^jk^^^Ns^^^s^ 
favorable terms for what we do noV. oxxra^Viei's^ ^^^^>aR.'5i \xv^^NjQ2cxi.Nss^ 
free foreign markets. 


Id the further interest of American workmen we favor a more 
effective restriction of the immigration of cheap labor from foreign 
lands, the extension of opportunities of education for working chil- 
dren, the raising of the age limit for child labor, the protection of 
free labor as against contract convict labor, and an effective system 
of labor insurance. 


Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths of 
our foreign carrying is a great loss to the industry of this country. It 
is also a serious danger to our trade, for its sudden withdrawal in the 
event of European war would seriously cripple our expanding foreign 
conmierce. The national defense and naval efficiency of this country, 
moreover, supply a compelling reason for legislation which will 
enable us to recover our former place among the trade carrying fleets 
of the world. 


The nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and 
sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the government's duty to 
provide for the survivors and for the widows and orphans of those 
who have fallen in the country's wars. 

The pension laws, founded in this sentiment, should be liberal 
and should be liberally administered, and preference should be given 
wherever practicable with respect to employment in the public ser- 
vice to soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. 


We commend the policy of the Republican party in maintaining 
the efficiency of the civil service. The administration has acted 
wiselyin its feffort to secure for public service in Cuba, Porto Rico, 
Hawaii, and the Philippine Islands only those whose fitness has been 
determined by training and experience. We believe that employ- 
ment in the public service in these territories should be confined as 
far as practicable to their inhabitants. 

It was the plUin purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the consti- 
tution to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regu- 
lating the elective franchise. Devices of State governments, whether 
by statutory or constitutional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this 
amendment are revolutionary and should be condemned. 

Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the 
roads and highways of the country meet with our cordial approval, 
and we recommend this subject to the earnest consideration of the 
people and of the Legislatures of the several States. 

We tavor the extension of the rural free delivery service where- 
ever ita extension ni&y he justified. 

^o further pursuance of the constant policy ol \,\i^ ^e»^M\i\\ft^xv 


party to provide free homes on the public domain, we recommend 
adequate national legislation to reclaim the arid lands of the United 
States, reserving control of the distribution of water for irrigation to 
the respective States and Territories. * 

We favor home rule for and the early admission to Statehood of 
the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma. 


The Dingley act, amended to provide sufBlcient revenue for the 
conduct of the war, has so well performed its work that it has been 
possible to reduce the war debt in the sum of $40,000,000. So ample 
are the government's revenues, and so great is the public confidence 
in the integrity of its obligations, that its newly funded 2 per cent 
bonds sell at a premium. The country is now justified in expecting 
and it will be the policy of the Republican party to bring about a re- 
duction of the war taxes. 


We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection of 
an isthmian canal by the government of the United States. New 
markets are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm products. 
Every effort should be made to open and obtain new markets, 
especially in the Orient, and the administration is warmly to be com- 
mended for its successful effort to commit all trading and colonizing 
nations to the policy of the open door in China. 

In the interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that 
Ck)ngress create a Department of Commerce and Industries in the 
charge of a Secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. 

The United States consular system should be reorganizad under 
the supervision of this new department upon such a basis of appoint- 
ment and tenure as will render it still more serviceable to the nation's 
increasing trade. 

The American government must protect the person and property 
of every citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in 

We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid 
record of public service in the Volunteer Aid association, and as 
nurses in camp and hospital during the recent campaigns of our armies 
in the Eastern and Western Indies, and we appreciate their faithful 
co-operation in all works of education and industry. 


President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United 
States with distinguished credit to tha Aixi<^x!\fiasQL ^^«a]^<b* ^Va^-t^^ssfts^aa*- 
ing ua from the vexatious conditioiiB oi ^^Nwcjr^^ft.^ ^i;v^asi$iRk %sst *<isi^ 
government of Samoa his ooutb^ i» ea^^NaXVi Xft^^^ ^otsx^ski^^^^- ^«^ 

securing to our undivided control the most important island of the 
Samoan group and the best harbor in the Southern Pacific every 
American interest has been safeguarded. 

We approve the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United 

We commend the part taken by our government in the peace con- 
ference at the Hague. 


We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy announced in the 
Monroe doctrina The provisions of The Hague convention were 
wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered his friendly 
offices in the interest of peace between Great Britain and the South 
African Republic. 

While the American government must continue the policy pre- 
scribed by Washington, affirmed by every succeeding President and 
imposed upon us by The Hague treaty, of non-intervention in Euro- 
pean controversies, the American people earnestly hope that a way 
may soon be found, honorably alike to both contending parties, to de- 
termine the strife between them. 


In accepting by the treaty of Paris the just responsibility of our 
victories in the Spanish war, the President and the Senate won the 
undoubted approval of the American people. No other course was 
possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty throughout the Western 
Indies and in the Philippine Islands. 

That course created our responsibility before the world and with 
the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed from 
Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order, and for the 
establishment of good government, and for the performance of inter- 
national obligations. 

Our authority could not be less than our responsibility, apd 
wherever sovereign rights were extended it became the high duty of 
the government to maintain its authority, to put down armed insur- 
rection, and to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon 
all the rescued peoples. 

The largest measure of self-goverment consistent with their wel- 
fare and our duties shall be secured to them by law. 


To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the 
same voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge 
should be performed. 

The Republican party upon its history and Mpon thV.^ declaration 
of its principlea and policies confidently invokes \.\ift co^^Vdex^Xft wi^ 
Vprovioe Judgment oi the American people. 

Letter of Acceptance of President William McKinley to the 
Notification Cdmmittee* 

Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, Sept. 8, 1900. 
Hon, Henry Cabot Lodge, Chairman Notification Commute: 

My Dear Sir— The nomination of the Republican convention of 
June 19, 1900, for the office of president of the United States, which, 
as the official representative of the convention, you have conveyed to 
me, is accepted. I have carefully examined the platform adopted 
and give 1» it my hearty approval. Upon the great issue of the last 
national election it is clear. 

It upholds the gold standard and indorses the legislation of the 
present congress by which that standard has been effectively 
strengthened. The stability of our national currency is therefore 
secure so long as those who adhere to this platform are kept in con- 
trol of the government. 

In the first battle, that of 1896, the friends of the gold standard 
and of sound currency were triumphant and the country is enjoying 
the fruits of that victory. Our antagonists, however, are not satis- 
fied. They compel us to a second battle upon the same lines on which 
the first was fought and won. While regretting the reopening of 
this question, which can only disturb the present satisfactory finan- 
cial condition of the government, and visit uncertainty upon our great 
business enterprises, we accept the issue and again invite the sound 
money forces to join in winning another and we hope a permanent 
triumph for an honest financial system which will continue inviola- 
ble the public faith. 

As in 1896, the three silver parties are united, under the same 
leader who, immediately after the election of that year, in an address 
to the bimetallists, said : 

'The friends of bimetallism have not been vanquished; they {have 
simply been overcome. They believe that the gold standard is a 
conspiracy of the money changers against the welfare of the human 
race, and they will continue the warfare against it." 

The policy thus proclaimed has been accepted and confirmed by 
these parties. The Silver Democratic platform of 1900 continues the 
warfare against the so-called gold conspiracy when it expressly says: 
**We reiterate the demand of that (the Chicago) platform of 1896 for 
an^ American financial system made by the American people for 
themselves, which shall restore and maintain a bimet&lUs. ^^<^^ 
level, and as part of such system th^ \iimiek^\»X.^ T^'sX^rc^J^^"^ ^^ ^"^ 
free and unlimited coinage of silver and goVd a\»\?ct^ ^^^'e»<so^» x^iS^iSi ^v 
16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or con^e^xiX. ^^ ««^i o\X^«« tj^^nNss^- 

So the issue is presented. It will be noted that the demand is for 
the immediate restoration of the free coinage of silver at 16 to 1. If 
another issue is paramount, this is immediate. It will admit of no 
delay and will suffer no postponement. 

Turning to the other associated parties, we find in the Populist 
national platform adopted at Sioux Falls, S. D., May 10, 1900, the 
following declaration: 

'^We pledge anew the People's party never to cease the agitation 
until this financial conspiracy is blotted from the statute books, the 
Lincoln greenback restored, the bonds all paid and all icorporatloB 
money forever retired. We re- affirm the demand for the opening of 
the'mintsof the United States for the free and unlimited coinage of 
silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, the immediate in- 
crease in the volume of silver coins and certificates thus created to be 
substituted, dollar for dollar, for the bank notes issued by private 
corporations under special privilege, granted by law of March 14, 
1900, and prior national banking laws." 

The platform of the Silver party adopted at Kansas City, July 6, 
1900, makes the following announcement: 

'*We declare it to be our intention to lend our efforts to the 
repeal of this currency law, which not only repudiates the ancient and 
time-honored principles of the American people before the Constitu- 
tion was adopted, but is violative of the principles of the Constitution 
itself; and we shall not cease our efforts until there has been estab- 
lished in its place a monetary system based upon the free and 
unlimited coinage of silver and gold into money at the present legal 
ratio of 16 to 1 by the independent action of the United States, under 
which system all paper money shall be issued by the government and 
all such money coined or issued shall be a full legal tender in pay- 
ment of all debts, public and private, without exception.'' 

In all three platforms these parties announce that their efforts 
shall be unceasing until the gold act shall be blotted from the statute 
books, and the free and unlimited coinage of silver at 16 to 1 shall 
take its place. 

The relative importance of the issues I do not stop to discuss. 
All of them are important. Whichtrver party is successful will be 
bound in conscience to carry into administration and legislation its 
several declarations and doctrines. One declaration will be as oblig- 
atory as another, but all are not immediate. 

It is not possible that these parties would treat the doctrine of 16 
to 1, the immediate realization of which is demanded by their several 
platforms, as void and inoperative in the event that they should be 
clothed with power. 

Otherwise their profession of faith is insincere. It is therefore 

the imperative business of those opposed to this financial heresy to 

prevent the triumph of the parties whose union is only assured by 

adherence to the silver issue. Will the American people, through 

indifference or fancied security, hazard \.Yie ov^T\i\irayi ol \Xi^ ^\a^ 

^nancial legrielation of the past year and revives \.\ie> ^^ti^^^ ol \Xi^ ^\J^- 

\V r J ' 10 

ver standard, with all of the inevitable evils of shattered confidence 
and general disaster which justly alarmed and aroused them in 1896? 

The Chicago platform of 1896 is re-afilrmed in its entirety by the 
Kansas City Convention. Nothing has been omitted or recalled ; so 
that all the perils then threatened are presented anew with the added 
force of a deliberate reaffirmation. Four years ago the people refused 
to place the seal of their approval upon these dangerous and revolu- 
tionary policies, and this year they will not fail to record again their 
earnest dissent. 

The Republican party remains faithful to its principle of a tariff 
which supplies sufficient revenues for the government and adequate 
protection to our enterprises and producers, and of reciprocity which 
opens foreign markets to the fruits of American labor and furnishes 
new channels through which to market the surplus of American 
farms. The time-honored principles of protection and reciprocity 
were the first pledges of Republican victorjr to be written into public 


The present Congress has given to Alaska a territorial govern- 
ment for which it had waited more than a quarter of a century; has 
established a represantative government in Hawaii; has enacted bills 
for the most liberal treatment of the pensioners and their widows; 
has revived the free iiomestead policy. In its great financial law it 
provided for the establishment of banks of issue with a capital of 
$25,000 for the benefit of villages and rural communities, and bring- 
ing the opportunity for profitable business in banking within the 
reach of moderate capital. Many are already availing themselves of 
this privilege. 

During the past year more than 19,000,000 of United States bonds 
have been paid from the surplus revenues of the treasury, and in ad- 
dition $25,000,000 of 2 per cents matured, called by the government, 
are in process of payment. Pacific railroad bonds issued by the gov- 
ernment in aid of the roads, in the sum of nearly $44,000,000, have 
been paid since Dec. 31, 1897. The treasury balance is in satisfactory 
condition, showing on Sept. 1, $135,419,000, in addition to the $160.- 
000,000 gold reserve held in the treasury. The government's rela- 
tions with the Pacific railroads have been sub.-tantially closed, $124,- 
421,000 being received from these roads, the greater part in cash and 
the remainder with ample securities for payments deferred. 

Instead of diminishing, as was predicted four years ago, the 
volume of our currency is greater per capita than it has ever been. 

It was $2.10 in 1896. It had increased to $26.50 on July 1, 1900, 
and $26.85 on Sept. 1, 1900. Our total money on July 1, 1896, was 
$1,506,434,466; on July 1, 1900, it was $2,062,425,490, and $2,096,688,042 
on Sept. 1, 1900. 

Our industrial and agricultural conditions are more ^vQT&5i95cs!k!^ 
than they have been for many yeaw, pTo\wJo\^ xasyc^ vi Nic^'Wi.'Cs^K^ 
have ever been. Prosperity abounds eN«ryv\i«t^ w^.tomsC^^q^'v* *Cckfe^^ 


I rejoice that the Southern as well as the Northern States are en- 
joyitig a full share of these improved national conditions and that all 
are contributing so largely to our remarkable industrial develop- 
ment. The money lender receives slower rewards for his capital than 
if it were invested in active business. The rates of interest are lower 
than they have ever been in this country, while those things which 
are produced on the farm and in the workshop, and the labor produc- 
ing them, have advanced in value. 

Our freight trade shows a satisfactory and increasing growth. 
The amount of our exports for the year 1 900 over those of the ex- 
ceptionally prosperous year of 1899 was about $500,000 for every day 
of the year, and these sums have gone into the homes and enterprises 
, of the people. There has been an increase of over $50,000,000 in the 
exports of agricultural products; $92,692,220 in manufactures, and in 
the products of the mines of over $10,000,000. Our trade balances 
cannot fail to give satisfaction^o the people of the country. In 1898 
we sold abroad $615,432,676 of products more than we bought abroad, 
in 1899 $529,874,813, and in 1900 $544,471,701, making during the three 
years a total balance in our favor of $1,689,779,190— nearly five times 
the balance of trade in our favor for the whole period of 108 years 
from 1790 to June 30, 1897, inclusive. 

Pour hundred and thirty-six million dollars of gold have been 
added to the gold stock of the United States singe July 1, 1896. The 
law of March 14, 1900, authorized the refunding into 2 per cent bonds 
of that part of the public debt represented by the 3 per cents due in 
1904, aggregating $840,000,000. More than one-third of the sum of 
these bonds was refunded in the first three months after the passage 
of the act, and on Sept. 1 the sum had been increased more than 
$33,000,000, making in all $330,578,050, resulting in a net saving of 
over $8,-379,520. 

The ordinary receipts of the government for the fiscal year 1900 
were $79,527,060 in excess of its expenditures. While our receipts 
both from customs and internal revenue, have been greatly increased, 
our expenditures have been decreasing. 

Civil and miscellaneous expenses for the fiscal year ending June 
30, 1900, were nearly $14,000,000 less than in 1899, while on the war 
account there is a decrease of more than $95,000,000. There were re- 
quired $8,000,000 less to support the navy this year than last, and the 
expenditures on account of the Indians were nearly two and three- 
quarters million dollars less than in 1899. The only two items of in- 
crease in the public expenses of 1900 over 1899 are for pensions and 
interest on the public debt. For 1899 we expended for pensions 
$139,394,929, and for the fiscal year 1900 our payments on this account 
amounted to $140,877,316. The net increase of interest on the public 
debt of 1900 over 1899, required by the war loan, was $263,408.25. 
While coDgress authorized the government to make a war loan of 
S^O, 000, 000 at the beginning of the war wilb. Spain, only $200,000,000 
of bonds were issued, bearing 3 per cent inlereBt, 'w\i\ci^^«t^p^oTSi^\\.^ 
s^d patriotic illy taken by our citizens. 


Unless something unforeseen occurs to reduce ourre venues or in- 
crease our expenditures, the congress at its next session should re- 
duce taxation very materially. 

* 'Five years ago we were selling government bonds bearing as 
high as 5 per cent interest. Now we are redeeming them with a bond 
at par bearing 2 per cent interest. We are selling our surplus prod- 
ucts and lending our surplus money to Europe. One result of our 
selling to other nations so much more than we have bought from 
them during the past three years is a radical improvement of our 
financial relations. ' The great amounts of capital which have been 
borrowed of Europe for our rapid, material development have re- 
mained a constant drain upon our resources for interest and dividends * 
and made our money markets liable to constant disturbances by calls 
for payment or heavy sales of our securities whenever moneyed - 
stringency or panic occurred abroad. We have now been paying 
these debts and bringing home many of our securities and establish- 
ing countervailing credits abroad by our loans and placing ourselves 
upon a sure foundation of financial independence. 


In the unfortunate contest between Great Britain and the Boer 
states of South Africa, the United States has maintained an attitude 
of neutrality in accordance with its well-known traditional policy. 

It did not hesitate, however, when requested by the governments 
of the South African republics, to exercise its good offices for a cessa- 
tion of hostilities. It is to be observed that while the South African 
republics made like request t-o other powers, the United States is the 
only one which complied. 

The British government declined to accept the intervention of 
any power. 

Ninety-one per cent of our exports and imports are now carried 
by foreign ships. For ocean transportation we pay annually to for- 
eign ship-owners over $165,000,000. We ought to own the ships for 
our carrying trade with the world and we ought to build them in 
American ship-yards and man them with American sailors. Our 
own citizens should receive the transportation charges now paid to 
foreigners. I have called the attention of Congress to this subject in 
my several annual messages. In that of Dec. 6, 1897, I said: 

'*Mo8t desirable from every standpoint of national interest and 
|>atriotism is the effort to extend our foreign commerce. To this end 
our merchant marine should be improved and enlarged. We should 
do our full share of the carrying trade of the world. We do not do 
it now. We should be the laggard no longer. ** 

In my message of Dec. 5, 1899, I said: 

**Our national development will be one-sided and unsatisfactory 
80 long as the remarkable growth of our inland industries re\&».V^% 
unaccompanied by progress on theseaia. T^Yi^t^ \s x^a \^r)^ <5>\ ^ycfo^^- 
tutdonal authority for legislation wMcVi ft\i»XV gN^^ '^ ^^^ ^'rssxt^jc^ 

maritime strength commensurate with its industrial achievements 
and with its rank among the nations of the earth. 

'*The past year has recorded exceptional activity in our ship- 
yards and the promises of continual prosperity in shiphuilding are 
abundant. Advanced legislation for the protection of our seamen has 
been enacted. Our coast trade, under regulations wisely framed at 
the beginning of the government and since, shows results for the 
past fiscal year uoequaled in our records or those of any other power. 
We shall fail to realize our opportunities, however, if we compla- 
cently regard only matters at homeand bind ourselves to the necessity 
of securing our share in the valuable carrying trade of the world. 

I now reiterate these views. 

A subject of immediate importance to our country is the comple- 
tion of a great waterway of commerce between the Atlantic and the 
Pacific. The construction of a maritime canal is now more than ever 
indispensable to that intimate and ready communication between our 
Eastern and Western seaports demanded by the annexation of the 
Hawaiian islands and the expansion of our influence and trade in the 

Our national policy more imperatively than ever calls for its com- 
pletion and control by this government; and it is believed that the 
next session of Congress, after receiving the full report of the com- 
mission appointed under the act approved March 3, 1899, will make 
provisions for the sure accomplishment of this great work. 


Combinations of capital which control the market in commodi- 
ties necessary to the general use of the people, by suppressing natu- 
ral and ordinary competition, thus enhancing prices to the general 
consumer, are obnoxious to the common law and the public welfare. 
They are dangerous conspiracies against the public good and should 
be made the subject of prohibitory or penal legislation. Publicity 
will be a helpful influence to check the evil. Uniformity of legisla- 
tion in the several states should be secured. Discrimination between 
what is injurious and what is useful and necessary in business opera- 
tions is essential to the wise and effective treatment of this subject. 

Honest co-operation ^f capital is necessary to meet new business 
conditions and extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but con- 
spiracies and combinations intended to restrict business, create mo- 
nopolies and control prices should be effectively restraine4. 

The best service which can be rendered to labor is to afford it an 
opportunity for steady and renumerative employment, and give it 
every encouragement for advancement. The policy that subserves 
this end is the true American policy. The past three years have been 
more satisfactory to American workingmen than many preceding 
years. Any change of the present industrial or financial policy of 
the g-overnment would be disastrous to their highest interests with 
prosperity at home and an increasing foreign maiTViQ\.. 

With proaperity at home and an inoreaaiiig lor^V^ii m^T>aL^\» \ot 


American products, employment should continue to wait upon Amer- 
ican labor, and with tbe prt^sent gold standard the workingman is 
secured against payments {or his labor in a depreciated currency. 

For labor a short day is better than a short dollar; one will lighten 
the bnrdens, the other lessens the rewards of toil. The one will pro- 
mote contentment and independence; the other penury and want. 
The wages of labor should be.adequate to keep the home in comfort, 
educate the children, and, with thrift and economy, lay something by 
for the days of infirmity and old age. 

Practical civil service reform has always had the support and 
encburagemoDt of the Bepublican party. The future of the merit 
system is safe in its hands. 

During the present administration, as occasions have arisen for 
modification or amendment in the existing civil service laws and 
rules they have been made. Important amendments were promul- 
gated by executive order under date of May 29, 1899, having for their 
principal purpose the exception from competitive examination of 
certain places involving fiduciary responsibilities or duties of a 
strictly confidential, scientific or executive character, which it was 
thought might better be filled either by non-competitive examination 
or by other, tests of fitness in the discretion of the appointing officer. 
It is gratifying that the experience of more than a year has vindi- 
cated these changes in the marked improvement of tbe public 

The merit system, as far as practicable, is made the basis for ap- 
pointments to office in our new territory. 

The American people are profoundly grateful to the soldiers, 
sailors and marines who have in every time of confiict fought their 
country's battles and defended its honor. The survivors, and the 
widows and orphans of those who have fallen, are justly entitled to 
receive the generous and considerate care of the nation. Few are 
now left of those who fought in the Mexican war, and while many of 
the veterans of the Civil war are still spared to us, their numbers are 
rapidly diminishing and age and infirmity are increasing their de- 
pendence. These, with tbe soldiers of the Spanish war, will not be 
neglected by their grateful countrymen. The pension laws have 
been liberal. They should be justly administered, and will be. 
Preference should be given to the soldiers, sailors and marines, their 
widows and orphans, with respect to employment in the public 


We have been in possession of Cuba since the 1st of January, 
1899. We have restored order and established domestic tranquillity. 
We have fed the starving, clothed the naked and ministered to the 
sick. We have improved the sanitary condition of the island. We 
have stimulated industry, introduced public education and taken & 
full and comprehensive enumeration ol \i\i^ Yx^^i^BJc^NajoXa** ^\^fc ^i^^ei^o^- 
Soation of electors has been 8©U\ed wx^i uti^^t V\» ^aSsawa. >qsw^^ ^^««^ 


chosen for all the municipalities of Cuba. These local governments 
are now in operation, administered by the people. Our military estab- 
lishment has been reduced from 43,000 soldiers to less than 6,000. An 
election has been ordered to be held on the 15th of September, under 
a fair election law already tried in the municipal elections, to choose 
members of a constitutional convention, and tbe convention by the 
same order is to assemble on the first Monday of November to frame a 
constitution upon which an independent government for the island 
will rest. 

All this is a long step in the fulfillment of our sacred guarantees 
to the people of Cuba. We hold Porto Rico by the same title as the 
Philippines. The treaty of peace which ceded us the one conveyed 
to us the other. 

Congress has given to this island a government in which the 
inhabitants participate, elect their own legislature, enact their own 
local laws, provide their own system of taxation, and in these respects 
have the same power and privileges enjoyed by other territories be- 
longing to the United States, and a much larger measure of self- 
government than was given to the inhabitants of Louisiana under 
Jefferson. A district court of the United States for Porto Rico has 
been established and local courts have been inaugurated, all of which 
are in operation. The generous treatment of the Porto Ricans 
accords with the most liberal thought of our own country and en- 
courages the best aspirations of the people of the island. While they 
do not have instant free commercial intercourse with the United 
States, Congress complied with my recommendation by removing, on 
the first day of May last, 85 per cent of the duties and providing for 
the removal of the remaining 16 per cent on the 1st of March, 1902, or 
earlier if the legislature of Porto Rico shall provide local revenues 
for the expenses of conducting the government. During the inter- 
mediate period Porto Rican products coming iato the United States 
pay a tariff of 15 per cent of the rates under the Dingley act, and our 
goods going to Porto Rico pay a like rate. The duties thus paid and 
collected both in Porto Rico and the United States are paid to the 
government of Porto Rico, and no part thereof is taken by the 
national government. 

All the duties from Nov. 1, 1898, to June 80, 1900, aggregating 
the sum of $2,250,258.21, paid at the custom houses in the United 
States upon Porto Rican products, under the laws existing prior to 
the above-mentioned act of Congress, have gone into the treasury of 
Porto Rico to relieve the destitute and for schools and other public 

In addition to this we have expended for relief, education and 
improvement of roads the sum of $1,518,084.95. The United States 
military force in the island has been reduced from 11,000 to 1,600, 
and native Porto Ricans constitute for the most part the local 

Under tbe new law and the inauguraUon ol civil government 
there has been a gratifying revival of "buainesa. TYi^ m^xxwlwiWT^T^ 


of Porto Rico are developing; her imports are inoreasing; her tariff 
is yielding increased returns; her fields are being cultivated; free 
schools are being established. Notwithstanding the many embarass- 
ments incident to a change of national conditions she is rapidly show- 
ing the effects of her new relations to this nation. 


For the sake of a full and intelligent understanding of the Phil- 
ippine question, and to give to the people authentic information of 
the acts and aims of the administration, I present at some length the 
events of importance leading up to the present situation. The pur- 
poses of the executive are best revealed and can best be judged by 
what he has done and is doing. It will be seen that the power of the 
government has been used for the liberty, the peace and the pros- 
perity of the Philippine peoples, and that force has been employed 
•only against force, which stood in the way of the realization of these 

On the 25th day of April, 1898, Congress declared that a state of 
war existed between Spain and the United States. On May 1, 1898, 
Admiral Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in Manila bay. On May 
19, 1898, Maj. Gen. Merritt, U. S. A., was placed in command of the 
military expedition to Manila, and directed among other things to 
immediately * 'publish a proclamation declaring that we come not to 
make war upon the people of the Philippines, nor upon an^' part or 
faction of them, but to protect them in their homes, in their employ- 
ments and in their personal and religious rights. All persons who, 
either by active aid or by honest submission, co-operate with the 
United States in its efforts to give effect to this beneficent purpose 
will receive the reward of its support and protection. 

On July 3, 1898, the Spanish fleet in attempting to escape from 
Santiago harbor was destroyed by the American fleet, and on July 17, 
1898, the Spanish garrison in the city of Santiago surrendered to the 
commander of the American forces. 

Following these brilliant victories, on the 12th day of August, 
1898, upon the initiative of Spain, hostilities were suspended and a 
protocol was signed with a view to arranging terms of peace between 
the two governments. In pursuance thereof I appointed as commis- 
sioners the following distinguished citizens to conduct the negotiations 
on the part of the United Slates; Hon. William R. Day of Ohio, Hon. 
William P. Frye of Maine, Hon. Gush man K. Davis of Minnesota, 
Hon. George Gray of Delaware and Hon. Whitelaw Reid of New 
York. In addressing the peace commission before its departure for 
Paris I said: 

*'It is my wish that throughout the negotiations intrusted to the 
commission the purpose and spirit with which the United States ac- 
cepted the unwelcome necessity of war should be kept constantly in 
view. We took up arms only in obedience to tb.^ d\fi\iaAft»» ^1 \iN>xsia!c&^ 
and in the /ulfillment of high public at^^TCiOT^Ci\Js:\^'aNhss^^« ^^OcaS^. 

DO design of aggrandizement and no ambition of conquest. Tlirough 
the long course of repeated representations which preceded and 
aimed to avert the struggle and in the final arbitrament of force this 
country was impelled solely by the purpose of relieving grievous 
wrongs and removing long-existing conditions which disturbed its 
tranquillity, which shocked the moral sense of mankind and which 
could no longer be endured. 

*^It is my earnest wish that the United States in making peace 
should follow the same high rule of conduct which guided it in facing 
war. It should be as scrupulous and magnanimous in the concludingf 
settlement as it was just and humane in its original action. . . . 

**Our aims in the adjustment of peace should be directed to last- 
ing results and to the achievement of the common good under the 
demands of civilization, rather than to ambitious designs. . . . 

**Without any original thought of complete or even partial 
acquisition, the presence and success of our arms in Manila imposes 
upon us obligations which we can not disregard. The march of 
events rules and overrules human action. Avowing unreservedly the 
purpose which has animated all our efforts, and still solicitous to ad- 
here to it, we cannot be unmindful that without any desire or design 
on our part the war has brought us new duties and responsibilities, 
which we must meet and discharge as becomes a great nation on 
whose growth and career from the beginning the Ruler of Nations 
has plainly written the high command and pledge of civilization.'' 

On October 28, 1898, while the peace commission was continuing 
negotiations in Paris, the following additional instruction was sent: 
**It is imperative upon us thai as victors we should be governed 
only by motives which will exalt our nation. Territorial expansion 
should be bur least concern; thafwe shall not shirk the moral obli- 
gations of our victory is of the greatest. It is undisputed that 
Spain's authority is permanently destroyed in every part of the 
Philippines. To leave any part in her feeble control now would in- 
crease our difficulties and be opposed to the interests of humanity. . 
. . Nor can we permit Spain to transfer any part of the islands to 
another power. Nor can we invite another power or powers to join 
the United States in sovereignty over them. We must either hold 
them or turn them back to Spain. 

^^Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities, and unforeseen 
as are the difficulties which are before us, the president can see but 
one plain path of duty, the acceptance of the archipelago. Greater 
difficulties and more serious complications— administrative and inter- 
national—would follow any other course. The president has given to 
the views of the commissioners the fullest consideration, and in 
reaching the conclusion above announced in the light of information 
communicated to the commission and to the president since your de- 
parture, he has been influenced by the single consideration of duty 
and humanity. The president is not unmindful of the distressed 
^aancial condition of Spain, and whatever consideration the United 


states may show* must come from its sense of generosity and benevo- 
lence, rather than from any real or technical oblij^ation.'' 

Again, od November 13, I instructed the commissiou : 

**From the standpoint of indemnity both the archipelagoes (Porto 
Kico and the Philippines) are insufficient to pay our war expenses, 
but aside from this do we not owe an obligation to the people of the 
Philippines which will not permit us to return them to the sovereign- 
ty of Spain? Could we justify ourselves in such a course, or could 
we permit their barter to some other power? Willing or not, we have 
the responsibility of duty, which we cannot escape. . . . The 
president cannot believe any division of the archipelago can bring 
us anything but embarrassment ia the future. The trade and com- 
mercial side, as well as the indemnity side for the cost of the war, 
are questions we might yield. They might be waived or compro- 
mised, but the questions of duty and humanity appeal to the Presi- 
dent so strongly that he can find no appropriate answer but the one 
he has here marked out. ' ' 

The treaty of peace was concluded on Dec. 10, 1898. By its terms 
the archipelago, known as the Philippine Islands, was ceded by Spain 
to the United States. ' 

It was also provided that **the civil rights and political status of 
the native inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United 
States shall be determined by the Congress." Eleven days there- 
after, on Dec. 21, the following direction was given to the commander 
of our forces in the Philippines: 

*' . . . The military commander of the United States is en- 
joined to make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine islands 
that in succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing the 
former political relations of the inhabitants, and in establishing a 
new political power, the authority of the United States is to be 
exerted for the securing of the persons and property of the people 
of the islands and for the confirmation of all their private rights and 
relations. It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occu- 
pation to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we 
come not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the 
natives in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal 
and religious rights.'' 


In order to facilitate the most humane, pacific and effective ex- 
tension of authority throughout these islands, and to secure, with the 
least possible delay, the benefits of a wise and generous protection of 
life and property to the inhabitants, I appointed in January, 1899, a 
commission consisting of Hon. Jacob Gould Schurman of New York, 
Admiral George Dewey, U. S. N., Hon. Charles Denby of Indiana, 
Prof. Dean C. Worcester of Michigan, and Maj. Gen. El well Otis, U. 
S. A. Their instructions contained the following : 

*'In the performance of this duty the conmiissioners are enjoined 
to meet at the earliest possible day in the city of Manila and to anr 

nounce by public proclamation their presence and the mission in- 
trusted to them, carefully setting forth that, while the military 
government already proclaimed is to be maintained and continued so 
long as necessity may require, efforts will be made to alleviate the 
burden of taxation, to establish industrial and commercial prosperity, 
and to provide for the safety of persons and of property by such 
means as may be found conducive to these ends. 

"The commissioners will endeavor, without interference with the 
military authorities of the United States now in control of the Philip- 
pines, to ascertain what amelioration in the condition of the inhabit- 
ants and what improvements in public order may be practicable, and 
for this purpose they will study attentively the existing social and 
political state of the various populations, particularly as regards the 
forms of local government, the administration of justice, the collec- 
tion of customs and other taxes, the means of transportation, and the 
need of public improvements. They will report . . . the results 
of their observations and reflections, and will recommend such execu- 
tive action as may from time to time seem to them wise and useful. 

**The commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authorita- 
tively with any persons resident in the islands from whom they may 
believe themselves able to derive information or suggestions valu- 
able for the purposes of their commission, or whom they may choose 
to employ as agents, as may be necessary for this purpose. . . . 

"It is n\jr desire that in all their relations with the inhabitants 
of the islands the commissioners exercise due respect for all the 
ideals, customs and institutions of the tribes which compose the pop- 
ulation, emphasizing upon all occasions the just and beneficent in- 
tentions of the government of the United States. It is also my wish 
and expectation that the commissioners may be received in a manner 
due to the honored and authorized representatives of the American 
republic, duly commissioned on account of their knowledge, skill and 
integrity as bearers of the good will, the protection and the richest 
blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering nation.'' 


On the 6th of February, 1899, the treaty was ratified by the senate 
of the United States, and the congress immediately appropriated 
$20,000,000 to carry out its provisions. The ratifications were ex- 
changed by the United States and Spain on the 11th of April, 1899. 

As early as April, 1899, the Pbilippine commission, of which Dr. 
Schurman was president, endeavored to bring about peace in the 
islands by repeated conferences with leading Tagalos representing 
the so-called insurgent government, to the end that some general 
plan of government might be offered them which they would accept. 
So great was the satisfaction of the insurgent commissioners with the 
form of government proposed by the American commissioners that 
the latter submitted the proposed scheme to me for approval, and my 
action thereon is shown by the cable message following: 

"May 5, 1899.--Schurman, Manila: Yours 4th received. You are 


authorized to propose that under the military power of the president, 
pending action of Congress, government of the Philippine islands 
shall consist of a governor general appointed by the president; cabinet 
appointed by the governor general; a general advisory council elected 
by the people; the qualifications of electors to be carefuily considered 
anl determined; and the governor general to have aJ)8olute veto. 
Judiciary strong and Independent; principal judges appointed by the 
president. The cabinet and judges to be chosen from natives or 
Americans, or both, having regard to fitness. The president 
earnestly desires the cessation of bloodshed, and that the people of 
the Philippine islands at an early date shall have the largest meas- 
ure of local self-government consistent with peace and good order." 

In the latter part of May another group of reprsentatives came 
from the insurgent leader. The whole matter was fully discussed 
with them, and promise of acceptance seemed near at hand. They 
assured onr commissioners they would return after consulting with 
their leader, but they never did. 

As a result of the views expressed by the first Tagal representa- 
tive favorable to the plan of the commission it appears that he was, 
by military order of the insurgent leader, stripped of his shoulder 
, straps, dismissed from the army and sentenced to twelye years' im- 

The views of the commission are best set forth in their own 

* 'Deplorable as war is, the one in which we are now engaged was 
unavoidable by us. We were attacked by a bold, adventurous and en- 
thusiastic army. No alternative was left to us except ignominious 

''It is not to be conceived of that any American would have 
sanctioned the surrender of Manila to the insurgents. Our obliga- 
tions to other nations and to the friendly Filipinos and to ourselves 
and our flag demanded that force should be met with force. What- 
ever the future of the Philippines may be, there is no course open to 
us now except the prosecution of the war until the insurgents are re- 
duced to submission. The commission is of the opinion that there 
has been no time since the destruction of the Spanish squadron by 
Admiral Dewey when it was possible to withdraw our forces from the 
islands either with honor to ourselves or with safety to the inhab- 

After the most thorough study of the peoples of the archipelago 
the commission reported, among other things : 

"Their lack of education and political experience, combined with 
their racial and linguistic diversities, disqualify them, in spite of 
their mental gifts and domestic virtues, to undertake the task of gov- 
erning the archipelago at the present time. The most that can be 
expected of them is to co-operate with the Americans in the admin- 
istration of general affairs, froin Manila as a center, and to under- 
take, subject to American control or guidance (as may be found 
necessary), the administration of provincial and municipal affairs. 


•^Should our power by any fatality be withdrawn, the commission 
believes that the governmeDt of the Philippines would speedily lapse 
into anarchy, which would excuse, if it did not necessitate, the inter- 
vention of other powers, and the eventual division of the islands 
anK)ng them. 'Only through American occupation, therefore, is the 
idea of a free,, self -governing and united Philippine commonwealth at 
all conceivable. 

^*Thu8 the welfare of the Filipinos coincides with the dictates of 
national honor in forbidding our abandonment of the archipelago. 
We cannot from any point of view escape the responsibilities of gov- 
ernment which our sovereignty entails ; and the commission is 
strongly persuaded that the performance of our national duty will 
prove the greatest blessing to the people of the Philippine islands." 
Satisfied that nothing further could be accomplished in pursuance 
of their mission until the rebellion was suppressed, and desiring to 
place before the Congress the result of their observations, I requested 
the commission to return to the United States. Their most intelli- 
gent and comprehensive report was submitted to Congress. 


In March, 1900, believing that the insurrection was practically 
ended and earnestly desiring to promote the establishment of a stable 
government in the archipelago, I appointed the following civil com- 

Hon. William H. Taft of Ohio, Prof. Dean C. Worcester of 
Michigan, Hon. Luke I. Wright of Tennessee, Hon. Henry C. Ide of 
Vermont and Hon. Bernard Moses of California. My instructions to 
them contained the following: 

"You (the Secretary of War) will instruct the commission to de- 
vote their attention in the first instance to the establishment of mu- 
nicipal governments in which the natives of the islands, both in the 
cities and in the rural communities, shall be afforded the opportunity 
to manage their own local affairs to the fullest extent of which they 
are capable, and subject to the least degree of supervision and con- 
trol which a careful study of their capacities and observation of the 
workings of native "control show to be consistent with the main- 
tenance of law, order and loyalty Whenever the com- 
mission is of the opinion that the condition of affairs in the islands is 
such that the central administration may safely be transferred from 
military to civil control, they will report that conclusion to you (the 
Secretary of War), with their recommendation as to the form of cen- 
tral government to be established for the purpose of taking over the 
control. . . . 

"Beginning with the 1st day of September, 1900, the authority to 

exercise, subject to my approval, through the Secretary of War, that 

part of the power of government in the Philippine Islands which is 

of a legislative nature is to be transferred from the military governor 

of the Islands to ttiia commission, to be tliereaiter exarci'Sfedby them 

fa the place and stead of the military governor, Mn^enc «\3LCi\i T>a\e» wkdL 


regulations as you (the Secretary of War) shall prescribei until the 
estahlishment of the civil government for the islands contemplated in 
the last foregoing paragraph, or until Congress shall otherwise pro- 
vide. Exercise of this legislative authority will include the making 
of rules and orders having the effect of law for the raising of revenue 
by taxes, customs, duties and imposts; the appropriation and expen- 
diture of the public funds of the islands; the establishment of an 
educational systiem throughout the islands; the establishment of a 
system to secure an efficient civil service; the organization and estab- 
lishment of courts; the organization and establishment of municipal 
and departmental governments, and all other matters of a civil nature 
for which the military governor is now competent to provide by rules 
or orders of a legislative character. The commission will also have 
power during the same period to appoint to office such officers uoder 
the judicial, educational and civil service systems and in the munic- 
ipal and departmental governments as shall be provided for." 


Unless Congress shall take action, I directed that: *'Upon every 
di> ision and branch of the government of the Philippines must be 
imposed these inviolable rules: That no person shall be deprived of 
life, liberty or property without due process of law; that private 
property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation; 
that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to 
a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the nature and cause of 
the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to 
have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to 
have the assistance of counsel for his defense; that excessive bail 
shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel or un- 
usual punishment inflicted; that no person shall \)e put twice in 
jeopardy for the same offense, or be compelled in any criminal case to 
be a witness against himself; that the right to be secure against un- 
reasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated; that neither 
slavery nor involuntary servitute shall exist except as a punishment 
for crime; that no bill of attainder or ex-post facto law shall be 
passed; that no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech 
or of the press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble 
and petition the government for a redress of grievances; that no 
law shall be made respecting the establishment of religion, or pro- 
hibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the free exercise and en- 
joyment of religious profession and worship without discrimination 
or preference shall forever be allowed. . . . 

**It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend, 
and, as they find occasion, to improve the system of education already 
inaugurated by the military authorities. In doing this they should 
regard as of first importance the extension of a system of primary 
education which shall be free to all, and which shall tend to fit the 
people for the duties of citizen8\i\p, a\iA ^o^ V*"^^ ^.x^YoaiX^ 'aTi^iFssCvx^Ts. 
of a civilized community. . . . "a^i^ecVaX «A.\«DNNft\3L '^w^-^^^ ''^^ 

once given to affording full opportunity to all the people of the islands 
to acquire the use of the English language. . . . 

^'IJpon all officers and employes of the United States, both civil 
and military, should be impressed a sense of the duty to observe, not 
merely the material, but the personal and social rights of the people 
of the islands, and to treat them with the same courtesy and respect 
for their personal dignity which the people of the United States are 
accustomed to require from each other. 

**The articles of capitulation of the city of Manila on the 13th of 
August, 1898, concluded with these words: 

'^ 'This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, 
its educational establishments and its private property of all descrip- 
tions, are placed under the special safeguard of the faith and honor 
of the American army. ' 

**I believe that this pledge has been faithfully kept. As high 
and sacred an obligation rests upon the government of the United 
States to give protection for property and life, civil and religious 
freedom, and/wise, firm and unselfish guidance in the paths of peace 
and prosperity, to all the people of the Philippine islands. 

*^I charge this commission to labor for the full performance of 
this obligation, which concerns the honor and conscience of their 
country, in the firm hope that through their labors all the inhabitants 
of the Philippine islands may come to look back with gratitude to the 
day when God gave victory to the American arms in Manila and set 
their land under the sovereignty and protection of the people of the 
United Stales." 


That all might share in the regeneration of the islands and par- 
ticipate in their government, I directed Gen. Mc Arthur, the military 
governor of the Philippines, to issue a proclamation of amnesty, which 
contained among other statements the following: 

Manila, P. I., June 21, 1900.— By direction of the President of 
the United States the undersigned announces amnesty with complete 
immunity for the past and absolute liberty of action for the future to 
all persons who are now, or at any time since Feb. 4, 1899, have been 
in insurrection against the United States, in either a military or civil 
capacity, and who shall within a period of ninety days from the date 
hereof formally renounce all connection with such insurrection and 
subscribe to a declaration acknowledging and accepting the sover- 
eignty and authority of the United States in and over the Philippine 
Islands. The privilege herewith published is extended to all con- 
cerned without any reservation whatever, excepting that persons who 
have violated the laws of war during the period of active hostilities 
are not embraced within the scope of this amnesty. . . . 

"In order to mitigate as much as possible consequences resulting 
from the rariouB disturbances which since 1896 have succeeded each 
other 8o rapidly, an 4^ to provide in some measAaiT^toT ^e^a\.\\.w\.^ ^\\\.- 
pino soldier B during the transitory period Tfbich m\3ift\. \tve^v\\a.\iV3 «^^- 


ceed a general peace, the military authorities of the United States 
will pay 30 pesos to each man who presents a rifle in good condition." 

Under their instructions the commission, composed of representa- 
tive Americans of different sections of the country and from different 
political parties, whose character and ability guarantee the most 
faithful intelligence and patriotic service, are now laboring to estab- 
lish a stable government under civil control, in which the inhabi- 
tants shall participate, giving them opportunity to demonstrate how 
far they are prepared for self-government. 

This commission, under date of August 21, 1900, makes an inter- 
esting report, from which I quote the following extracts : 

'^Hostility against Americans was originally aroused by absurd 
falsehoods of unscrupulous leaders. The distribution of troops in 
three hundred posts has by contact largely dispelled hostility and 
steadily improved the temper of the people. This improvement is 
furthered by abuses of insurgents. Large numbers of people long for 
peace and are willing to accept government under the United States. 
Insurgents not surrendering after defeat divided into small guerrilla 
bands under general ofiQcers or become robbers. Nearly all of the 
prominent generals and politicians of the insurrection except Agui- 
naldo have since been captured or have surrendered and taken the oath 
of allegiance. . . All Northern Luzon except two provinces sub- 
stantially free from insurgents. People busy planting and asking for 
municipal organization. Railway and telegraph line from Manila to 
Dagupan, 122 miles, not molested for five months. . . . Tagals 
alone active in leading guerrilla warfare. In Negros, Gebu, Rom- 
blon, Masbate, Sibuyan, Tablas, Bohol and other Philippine islands 
little disturbance exists and civil government eagerly awaited. . . . 
Four years of war and lawlessness in parts of islands have created un- 
settled conditions. . . . Native constabulary and militia, which 
should be organized at once, will end this and the terrorism to which 
defenseless people are subjected. The natives desire to enlist in these 
organizations. If judiciously selected and officered, will be efficient 
forces for maintenance of order and will permit early material reduc- 
tion of United States troops. . . . Turning islands over to coterie 
of Tagal politicians will blight fair prospects of enormous improve- 
ment; drive out capital, make life and property, secular and religious, 
most insecure; banish by fear of cruel proscription considerable body 
of conservative Filipinos who have aided Americans in well-founded 
belief that their people are not now fit for self-government, and rein- 
troduce the oppression and corruption which existed in all provinces 
under Malolos' insurgent government during the eight months of its 

The result will be factional strife between jealous leaders, chaos 
and anarchy, and will require and justify active intervention of our 
government or some other. . . . 

* ^Business interrupted by war much improved as peace eKt^iLd&x 
, , . In NegroB more sugar in cuUivaAAOxi \i\v«.xi ^^^^\>^\ft^<5i. "^«^ 
forestry regulatiouB give impetua \^ \.vni\>^T \x^e> ^xA. ^^^x^i^ ^J^5^ 


price of lumber. The customs collections for last quarter 50 per cent 
greater than ever in Spanish history, and August collections show 
further increase. The total revenue for same period one-third greater 
than in any quarter under Spain, though cedula tax, chief source of 
Spanish revenue, practically abolished. Economy and efBciency of 
military government have created surplus fund of six million dollars, 
which should be expended in much needed public works, notably im- 
provement of Manila harbor. , . . With proper tariff and facili- 
ties Manila will become great port of Orient.*' 

The commission is confident that *'by a judicious customs law, 
reasonable land tax and proper corporation franchise tax, imposition 
of no greater rate than that in average American states, will give 
less annoyance, and with peace will produce revenues sufficient to 
pay expenses of efficient goverment, including militia and constabu- 
lary." They * 'are preparing a stringent civil service law, giving 
equal opportunity to Philipinos and Americans, with preference for 
former where qualifications are equal, to enter at. lowest rank and by 
promotion reach head of department. . . . Forty-five miles of 
railroad extension under negotiation will give access to a large prov- 
ince rich in valuable minerals, a mile high, with strictly temperate 
climate. . . . Railroad construction will give employment to 
many and communication will furnish market to vast stretches of rich 
agricultural lands." 

They report that there are * 'calls from all parts of the islands for 
public schools, school supplies and English teachers, greater than 
the commission can provide until a comprehensive school system is 
organized. Night schools for teaching English to adults are being 
established in response to popular demand. Native children show 
aptitude in learning English. Spanish is spoken by a small fraction 
of people and in a few years the medium of communication in the 
courts, public offices and between different tribes will be English; 
creation of central government within eighteen months, under which 
substantially all rights described in the bill of rights in the Federal 
Constitution are to be secured to the people of tha.Philippines, will 
bring to them contentment, prosperity, education and political en- 

This shows to my countrymen what has been and is being done to 
bring the benefits of liberty and good government to these wards of 
the nation. 

Every effort has been directed to their peace and prosperity, 
their advancement and well-being, not for our agrandizement nor for 
pride of might, not for trade or commerce, not for exploitation, but 
for humanity and civilization, and for the protection of the vast 
majority of the population who welcome our sovereignty against the 
designing minority whose first demand after the surrender of Manila 
by the Spanish army was to enter the city that they might loot it 
and destroy those not in sympathy with their selfish and treacherous 


Nobody who will avail himself of the facts will longer hold that 
there was any alliance between our soldiers and the insurgents, or 
that any promise of independence was made to them. Long before 
their leader had reached Manila they had resolved if the commander 
of the American navy would give them arms with which to fight the 
Spanish army, they would later turn upon us, which they did, mur- 
derously and without the shadow of cause or justification. There may 
be those without the means of full information who believe that we 
were in alliance with the insurgents and that we assured them that 
they should have full independence. To such let me repeat the facts : 
On the 26th of May, 1898, Admiral Dewey was instructed by me to 
make^no alliance with any party or faction in the Philippines that 
would incur liability to maintain their cause in the future, and he re- 
plied under date of June 6, 1898 : *^Have acted according to spirit of 
department's order from the beginning, and I have entered into no 
alliance with the insurgents or with any faction. This squadron can 
reduce the defense of Manila at any moment, but it is considered use- 
less until the arrival of sufficient United States forces to retain pos- 
session.'' In the report of the first Philippine commission, submitted 
on November 2, 1899, Admiral Dewey, one of its members, said : 

'*No alliance of any kind was entered into with Aguinaldo, nor 
was any promise of independence made to him at any time." 

Gen. Merritt arrived in the Philippines on July 25, 1898, and a 
dispatch from Admiral Dewey to the government at Washington 
said: * 'Merritt arrived yesterday. Si-tuation is most critical at 
Manila. The Spanish may surrender at any moment. Merritt's 
most difficult problem will be how to deal with the insurgents under 
Aguinaldo, who have become aggressive and even threatening toward 
our army." Here is revealed the spirit of the insurgent as early as 
July, 1898, before the protocol was signed, while we were still en- 
gaged in active war with Spain. Even then the insurgents were 
threatening our army. 

On Aug. 13 Manila was captured, and of this and subsequent 
events the Philippine Commission says: "When the city of Manila 
was taken Aug. 18, the Filipinos took no part in the attack, but came 
following in with a view to looting the city, and were only prevented 
from doing so by our forces preventing them from entering. 
Aguinaldo claimed that he had the right to occupy the city; he de- 
manded of Gen. Merritt the palace of Malacanan for himself and the 
cession of all the churches of Manila; also that a part of the money 
taken from the Spaniards as spoils of war should be given up, and 
above all that he should be given the arms of the Spanish prisoners. 
All these demands were refused. 

Generals Merritt, Greene and Anderson, who were in command 
at the beginning of our occupation, and until the surrender of Manila, 
stated that there was no alliance with the insurgents, and no promise 
to them of independence. On Aug. 17, 1898, Gen. Merritt was in- 
structed that there must be no j Dint occupation of Manila with the 
insurgents. Gen. Anderson, under date of Feb. 10., 1900^ &a^& tbLS^t Vsa 


wae' present at the interview between Admiral Dewey and the in- 
surgent leader, and that in this Interview Admiral Dewey made no 
promiieB whatever. He adds: **He (Aguinaldo) aeked me if my 
government wae going to recognize his government. I answered 
that I was there simply in a military capacity; that I could not 
acknowledge his government because I had no authority to do so." 


Would not our adversaries have sent Dewey's fleet to Manila to 
capture and destroy the Spanish sea power there, or, dispatching it 
there, would they have withdrawn it after the destruction of the 
Spanish fleet; and if the latter, whither would they have directed it 
to sail? Do our adversaries condemn the expedition under the com- 
mand of Gen. Merritt to strengthen Dewey in the distant ocean and 
assist in our triumph over Spain, with which nation we were at war? 
Was it not our highest duty to strike Spain at every vulnerable point, 
that the war might be successfully concluded at the earliest practi- 
cable moment? 

And was it not our duty to protect the lives and property of those 
who came within our control by the fortunes of war? Could we have 
come away at any time between May I, 1898, and the conclusion of 
peace without a stain upon our good name? Could we have come 
away without dishonor at any time after the ratification of the peace 
treaty by the Senate of the United States? 

There has been no tlm<l since the destruction of the enemy's fleet 
when we could or should have left the Philippine archipelago. After 
the treaty of peace was ratified no power but Congress could surrender 
our sovereignty or alienate a foot of the territory thus acquired. The 
Congress has not seen fit to do the one or the other, and the Presi- 
dent had no authority to do either, if he had been so inclined, which 
he was not. So long as the sovereignty remains in us it is the duty 
of the executive, whoever he may be, to uphold that sovereignty and 
if it be attacked to suppress its assailants. Would our political adver-^ 
saries do less? 

It has been asserted that there would have been no fighting in 
the Philippines if Congress had declared its purpose to give inde- 
pendence to the Tagal insurgents. The insurgents did not wait for 
the action of Congress. They assumed the offensive; they opened 
fire on our army. Those who assert our responsibility for the begin- 
ning of the conflict have forgotten that before the treaty was ratified 
in the Senate, and while it was being debated in that body, and while 
the Bacon resolution was under discussion, on February 4, 1809, the 
insurgents attacked the American army, after being previously ad- 
vised that the American forces were under orders not to fire upon 
them except in defense. The papers found in the recently captured 
archives of the insurgents demonstrate that this attack had been 
carefully planned for weeks before it occurred. Their unprovoked 
UMnult upon our soldiers at a time when the Senate was deliberating 
upon tbo troaty hHowh that no action upon our part except surrender 


and abandoDment would have prevented the fiflfhting, and leaves no 
doubt in any fair mind of where the responsibility rests for the shed- 
ding of American blood. 

With all the exaggerated phrase-making of this electoral con- 
test, we are in danger of being diverted from the real contention. 

We are in agreement with all of those who supported the war 
with Spain, and also with those who counseled the ratification of the 
treaty of peace. Upon these two great essential steps there can be 
no issue, and out of these came all of our responsibilities. If others 
would shirk the responsibilities Imposed by the war and the treaty, 
we must decline to act further with them, and here the issue was 

It is our purpose to establish in the Philippines a government 
suitable to the wants and conditions of the inhabitants and to pre- 
pare them for self-government, and to give them self-government 
when they are ready for it and as rapidly as they are ready for it. 

That I am aiming to do under my constitutional authority, and 
will continue to do until Congress shall determine the political status 
of the inhabitants of the archipelago. 


Are our opponents against the treaty? If so, they must be re- 
minded that it could not have been ratified in the Senate but for their 
assistance. The Senate which ratified the treaty and the Congress 
which added its sanction by a large appropriation comprised Senators 
and representatives of the people of all parttes. 

Would our opponents surrender to the insurgents, abandon our 
sovereignty or cede it to themV If that be not their purpose then it 
should be promptly disclaimed, for only evil can result from the 
hopes raised by our opponents in the minds of the Filipinos that with 
their success at the polls in November there will be a withdrawal of 
our army and of American sovereignty over the archipelago, the 
complete independence of the Tagal people recognized and the 
powers of government over all the other peoples of the archipelago 
conferred upon the Tagal leaders. 

The effect of a belief in the minds of the insurgents that this 
will be done has already prolonged the rebellion and increases the 
necessity for the continuance of a larger army. It is now delaying 
full peace in the archipelago and the establishment of civil govern- 
ments, and has infiuenced many of the insurgents against accepting 
the liberal terms of amnesty ofTered by Gen. MacArthur under my 
direction. But for these false hopes, a considerable reduction could 
have been had in our military establishment in the Philippines, and 
the realization of a stable government would be already at hand. 

The American people are asked by our opponents to yield the 
sovereignty of the United States in the Philippines to a small frac- 
tion of the population, a single tribe out of eighty or more inhabit- 
ing the archipelago; a faction which wantonly attacked the American 
troops in Manila while in rightful possession under the protocol with 

Spain, awaiting the ratlfioatloD of the treaty of peace by the senate, 
and which has since been in active, open rebellion against the United 
States. We are asked to transfer our sovereignty to a small minority 
^in the Islands without consulting the majority, and to abandon the 
largest portion of the population, which has been loyal to us, to the 
cruelties of the guerrilla Insurgent bands. More than this, we are 
asked to protect this minority In establishing a government and to 
this end repress all opposition of the majority. We are required to 
set up a stable government In the Interest of those who have assailed 
our sovereignty and fired upon our soldiers, and then maintain it at 
any cost or sacrifice against Its enemies within and against those 
having ambitious designs from without. 

This would require an army and navy far larger than Is now 
maintained In the Philippines and still more in excess of what will be 
necessary with the full recognition of our sovereignty. A military 
support of authority notour own as thus proposed Is the very essence 
of militarism, which our opponents in their platform oppose, but 
which by their policy would of necessity be established In Its most 
offensive form. 


The American people will not make the murderers of our soldiers 
the agents of the republic to convey the blessings of liberty and order 
to the Philippines. They will not make them the builders of the new 
commonwealth. Such a course would be a betrayal of our sacred obli* 
gatlons to the peaceful Filipinos, and would place at the mercy of 
dangerous adventurers the lives and property of the natives and for- 
eigners. It would make possible and easy the commission of such 
atrocities as were secretly planned to be executed on the 2dd of Feb- 
ruary, 1899, In the city of Manila, when only the vigilance of our 
army prevented the attempt to assassinate our soldiers and all foreign- 
ers and pillage and destroy the city and Its surroundlhgs. In short, 
the proposition of those opposed to us Is to continue all the obligations 
in the Philippines which now rest upon the government, only chang- 
ing the relation from principal, which now exists, to that of surety. 
Our responsibility Is to be no less, but our title Is to be surrendered 
to another power, which Is without experience or training, or the 
ability to maintain a stable government at home and absolutely help- 
less to perform Its International obligations with the rest of the world. 

To this we are opposed. Wo should not yield our title while our 
obligations last. In the language of our platform, '^Our authority 
should not be less than our responsibility," and our present responsi- 
bility Is to establish our authority In every part of the Islands. 

No government can so certainly serve the peace, restore public 
order, establish law, justice and stable conditions as ours. Neither 
Congress nor the executive can establish a stable government In 
the Islands except under our right of sovereignty, our authority and 
our fiAg. And this we are doing. 

We could not do it &b a protectorate powor ao com'!^\^t^l\f or so 
suoco88fully as we are doing it now. As lb© sovoroVftu ^vj^t n«^ <5».x!l 


initiate adtion and shape means to ends, and guide the Filipinos to 
self-development and self-government. As a protectorate power we 
could not initiate action, but would be compelled to follow and up- 
hold a people with no capacity yet to go alone. In the one case we 
can protect both ourselves and the Filipinos from being involved in 
dangerous complications; in the other we could not protect even the 
Filipinos until after their trouble had come. Besides, if we cannot 
establish any government of our own without the consent of the gov- 
erned, as our opponents contend, then we could not establish a stable 
government for them or make ours a protectorate without the like 
consent, and neither the majority of the people nor a minority of the 
people have invited us to assume it. We could not maintain a pro- 
tectorate even with the consent of the governed without giving 
provocation for conflicts and possibly costly w4rs. Our rights in the 
Philippines are now free from outside interference, and will continue 
so in our present relation. They would not be thus free in any other 
relation. We will not give up our own to guarantee another sov- 

Our title is go6d. Our peace commissioners believed they were 
receiving a good title when they concluded the treaty. The' execu- 
tive believed it was a good title when he submitted it to the Senate 
of the United States for its ratification. The Senate believed it was 
a good title when they gave it their constitutional assent, and the 
Congress seem not to have doubted its completeness when they appro- 
priated $20,000,000 provided by the treaty. If any who favored its 
ratification believed it gave us a bad title they were not sincere. Our 
title is practically indentified with that under which we hold our ter- 
ritory acquired since the beginning of the government, and under 
which we have exercised full sovereignty and established a govern- 
ment for the inhabitants. 

It is worthy of note that no one outside of the United States dis- 
putes the fullness and integrity of the cession. 


What, then, is the real issue on this subject? Whether it is 
paramount to any other or not, it is whether we shall be responsible 
for the government of the Philippines, with the sovereignty and 
authority which enables us to guide them to regulated 'liberty, law, 
safety and progress, or whether we shall be responsible for the forci- 
ble and arbitrary government of a minority without sovereignty and 
authority on our part, and with only the embarrassment of a protect- 
orate which draws us into their troubles without the power of pre- 
venting them. 

There were those who two years ago were rushing us on to war 
with Spain who are unwilling now to accept its clear consequence, as 
there are those among us who advocated the ratification of the treaty 
of peace, but now protest against its obligations. Nations which go 
to war must be prepared to accept ila r^^\A\.^xA. ci^i\^S5,'^^^w^.^^'«s^^^^ 
they make treaties must keep Ihem. 


TboBe who profess to distrust the liberal and honorable purxx)8e8 
of the administration In its treatment of the Philippines are not 

Imperialism has no place in its creed or conduct. Freedom is a 
rock upon which the Republican party was builded and now rests. 
Liberty is the gveskt Republican doctrine for which the people wer.t 
to war and for which a million lives were offered and billions of dol- 
lars expended to make it a lawful legacy of all without the consent 
of master or slave. 

There is a strain of ill-concealed hypocrisy in the anxiety to ex- 
tend the constitutional guarantees to the people of the Philippines 
while their nullification is openly advocated at home. Our opponents 
may distrust themselves, but they have no right to discredit the good 
faith and patriotism of the majority of the people who are opposing 
them; they may fear the worst form of imperialism with the helpless 
Filipinos in their hands, but if they do, it is because they have parted 
with the spirit and faith of the fathers and have lost the virility of 
the founders of the party which they profess to represent. 

The Republican party doesn't have to assert its devotion to the 
Declaration of Independence. That immortal instrument of the 
founders remained unexecuted until the people, under the lead of the 
Republican party in the awful clash of battle, turned its promises 
into fulfillment. 

It wrote into the Constitution the amendments guaranteeing 
political equality to American citizenship, and it has never broken 
them or counseled others in breaking them. It will not be guided in 
its conduct by one set of principles at home and another set in the 
new territory belonging to the United States. 

If our opponents would only practice as well as preach the doc- 
trines of Abraham Lincoln there would be no fear for the safety of our 
institutions at home or their frightful influence in any territory over 
which our flag floats. 

Empire has been expelled from Porto Rico and the Philippines 
by American freemen. The flag of the republic now floats over these 
islands as an emblem of rightful sovereignty. Will the republic 
stay and dispense to their inhabitants the blessings of liberty, edu- 
cation and free institutions, or steal away, leaving them to anarchy 
or imperialism? 

The American question is between duty and desertion— the 
American verdict will be for duty and against desertioD, for the 
republic is against both anarchy and imperialism. 


The country has been fully advised of the purposes of the United 
States in China, and they will be faithfully adhered to as already 

The nation is filled with gratitude that the little band, among 
them many of our own blood, who for months have been subjected to 
prlvaiiuTis and perils by the attacks of pitiless hordes at the Chinese 


capital, exhibiting supreme courage in the face of despair, have been 
enabled by God's favor to greet their rescuers and find shelter under 
their own flag. 

The people not alone^of this land, but of all lands, have watched 
and prayed through the terrible stress and protracted agony of the 
helpless sufferers] in Pekin, and while at times the dark tidings 
seemed to make all hope vain the rescuers never faltered in the 
heroic fulfillment of their noble task. 

We are grateful to our own soldiers and sailors and marines, and 
to all the brave men who, though assembled under many standards, 
representing peoples and races strangers in country and speech, were 
yet united in the sacred mission of carrying succor to the besieged, 
with a success that is now the cause of a world's rejoicing. 

Not only have we reason for thanksgiving for our material bless- 
ings, but we should rejoioe in the complete unification of the people 
of all sections of our country that has so happily developed in the 
last few years and made for us a more perfect union. 

The obliteration ot old differences, the common devotion to the 
flag and the common sacrifices for its honor, so conspicuously shown 
by the men of the North and South in the Spanish war, have so 
strengthened the ties of friendship and mutual respect that nothing 
can ever again divide us. The nation faces the new century grate- 
fully and hopefully, with increasing love of country, with firm faith 
in its free institutions and with high resolves that they **shall not 
perish from the earth." Very respectfully yours, 

William McKinley. 


Democratic Candidate for President 


Democratic Candidate for Vice-President 




We, the representatives of the Democratic party of the United 
States, assembled in national convention, on the anniversary of the 
adoption of the declaration of independence, do reaffirm our faith in 
that immortal proclamation of the inalienable rights of man, and our 
allegiance to the constitution framed in harmony therewith by the 
fathers of the republic. We hold with the United States Supreme 
Court that the declaration of indepcDdence is the spirit of our gov- 
ernment, of which the constitution is the form and letter. 

We declare again that all governments instituted among men de- 
rive their just powers from the consent of the governed; that any 
government not based upon the consent of the governed is a tyranny, 
and that to impose upon any people a government of force is to sub- 
stitute the methods of imperialism for those of a republic. We hold 
that the constitution follows the flag, and denounce the doctrine that 
an executive or Congress, deriving their existence and their powers 
from the constitutioPi can exercise lawful authority beyond it, or in 
violation of it. 

Wq assert that no nation can long endure half republic and half 
empti%Mid we warn the American people that imperialism abroad 
wr^ lend quickly and inevitably to despotism at home. 


Believing in these fundamental principlea, 'S'ift ^^ioomu^c^q the 


Porto Rico law, enacted by a Republican Congress against the pro- 
test and opposition of the Democratic minority, as a bold and open 
violation of the nation's organic law, and a flagrant breach of the 
national good faith. 

It imposes upon the people of Porto Rico a government without 
their consent, and taxation without representation. It dishonors the 
American people by repudiating a solemn pledge made in their 
behalf by the commanding General of our army, ^which the Porto 
Ricans welcomed to a peaceful and unresisted occupation of their 
land. It doomed to poverty and distress a people whose helplessness 
appeals with peculiar force to our justice and magnanimity. 

In this, the first act of its imperialistic programme, the Repub- 
lican party seeks to commit the XJnitod States to a colonial policy, 
inconsistont with Republican institutions, and condemned by the 
Supreme Court in numerous decisions. 


We demand the prompt and honest fulfillment of our pledge to 
the Cuban people and the world that the United States has no dis- 
position nor intention to exercise sovereignity, jurisdiction, or control 
over the Island of Cuba, except for its pacification. The war ended 
nearly two years ago, profound peace reigns over all the island, and 
still the administration keeps the government of the island from its 
people, while Republican carpet-bag officials plunder its revenues 
and exploit the colonial theory, to the disgrace of the American people. 


We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present 
administration. It has involved the republic in unnecessary war, 
sacrificed the lives of many of our noblest sons, and placed the United 
States, previously known and applauded throughout the world as the 
champion of freedom, in the false and un-American position of crush- 
ing with military force the efforts of our former allies to achieve lib- 
erty and self-government. The Filipinos cannot become citizens 
without endangering our civilization; they cannot become subjects 
without imperiling our form of government, and we are not willing 
to surrender our civilization or to convert the republic into an em- 
pire; we favor an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose to 
give to the Filipinos first, a stable form of government; second, in- 
dependence; and, third, protection from outside interference such as 
has been given for nearly a century to the republics of Central and 
South America. 

The greedy commercialism which dictated the Philippine policy 
of the Republican administration attempts to justify it with the plea 
that it will pay, but even this sordid and unworthy plea fails when 
brought to the test of facts. The war of criminal aggression against 
the Filipinos, entailing an annual expense of many millions, has 
already cost more than any possible profit that could accrue from the 
entire Philippine trade for years to come. Furthermore, when trade 
is extended at the expense of liberty the price la slwa^ci t^a hi^K. 


We are not opposed to territorial expansion when it takes in 
desirable territory which can be erected into states in the Union and 
whose people are willing and fit to become American citizens. 

We favor trade expansion by every peaceful and legitimate 
means. But we are unalterably opposed to the seizing or purchasing 
of distant islands to be governed outside the constitution and whose 
people can never become citizens. 

We are in favor of extending the republic's influence among the 
nations, but believe that influence should be extended, not by force 
and violence, but through the persuasive power of a high and honor- 
able example. 

The importance of other questions now pending before the 
American people is in no wise diminished, and the Democratic party 
takes no backward step from its position on them, but the burning 
issue of imperialism growing out of the Spanish war involved the very 
existence of the republic and the destruction of our free institutionB. 
We regard it as the paramount issue of the campaign. 


The declaration in the Republican platform adopted at the 
Philadelphia convention, held in June, 1900, that the Republican 
party ^^steadfastly adheres to the policy announced in the Monroe 
' doctrine" is manifestly insincere and deceptive. This profession 
is contradicted by the avowed policy of that party in opposition to 
the spirit of the Monroe doctrine to acquire and hold sovereignty 
over large areas of territory and large numbers of people in the 
Eastern hemisphere. We insist on the strict maintenance of the 
Monroe doctrine and in all its integrity, both in letter and in spirit, 
as necessary to prevent the extension of European authority on this 
continent and as essential to our supremacy in American affairs. At 
the same time we declare that no American people shall ever be held 
by force in unwilling subjection to European authority. 


We oppose militarism. It means conquest abroad and intimida- 
tion and oppression at home. It means the strong arm which has 
ever been fatal to free institutions. It is what millions of our citizens 
have fled from in Europe. It will impose upon our peace-loving 
people a large standing army and unnecessary burden of taxation and 
a constant menace to their liberties. 

A small standing army with a well-disciplined state militia are 
amply sufiQcient in time of peace. This republic has no place for a 
vast military service and conscription. 

When the nation is in danger the volunteer soldier is his country's 
best defender. The national guard of the United States should ever 
be cherished in the patriotic hearts of a free people. Such organiza- 
tions are ever an element of strength and safety. 

For the first time in our history and co-evil with the Philippine 
conquest has there been a wholesale departure from our time- 
Monored and approved, system of volunteer organization. We 


denounce it as un-American, un-DemocratiCi and un-Bepublican, and 
as a subversion of the ancient and fixed principles of a free people. 


Private monopolies are indefensible and intolerable. They 
destroy competition, control the price of all material, and of the fin- 
ished product, thus robbing both producer and consumer. They 
lessen the employment of labor and arbitrarily fix the terms and 
conditions thereof, and deprive individual energy and small capital 
of their opportunity for betterment. They are the most eflBloient 
means yet devised for appropriating the fruits of industry to the 
benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and unless their in- 
satiate greed is checked all wealth will be aggregated in a few hands 
and the republic destroyed. 

The dishonest paltering with the trust evil by the Republican 
party in state and national platforms is conclusive proof of the truth 
of the charge that trusts are the legitimate product of Republican 
policies; that they are fostered by Republican laws, and that they are 
protected by the Republican administration in return for campaign 
subscriptions and political support. 

We pledge the Democratic party to an increasing warfare in 
nation, state, and city against private monopoly in every form. Ex- 
isting laws against trusts must be enforced and more stringent ones 
must be enacted providing for publicity as to the affairs of corpora- 
tions engaged in interstate commerce and requiring all corporations 
to show, before doing business outsidethe state of their origin, that 
they have no water in their stock and that they have not attempted 
and are not attempting, to monopolize any branch of business or the 
production of any articles of merchandise, and the whole constitu- 
tional power of Congress over interstate commerce, the mails, and all 
modes of interstate communication shall be exercised by the enact- 
ment of comprehensive laws upon the subject of trusts. 

Tariff laws should be amended by putting the products of trusts 
upon the free list to prevent monopoly under the plea of protection. 

The failure of the present Republican administration, with an 
absolute control over all the branches of the national government, to 
«iact any legislation designed to prevent or even curtail the absorb- 
ing power of trusts and illegal combinations, or to enforce the anti- 
trust laws already on the statute books, proves the insincerity of the 
high-sounding phrases of the Republican platform. 

Corporations should be protected in all their rights and their 
legitimate interests should be respected, but any attempt by corpora- 
tions to interfere with the public affairs of the people or to control 
the sovereignity which creates them should be forUdden under such 
penalties as will make such attempts impossible. 

We condemn the Dingley tariff law as a trust-breeding measure, 
skillfully devised to give the few favors which they do not deserve 
and to place upon the many burdens iv\i\c\i \\i«^ ^Q\\^\i<^N.\sRWt. 


We favor such an enlargement of the scope of the interstate com- 
merce law as will enable the commission to protect individuals and 
communities from discriminations and the public from unjust and 
unfair transportation rates. 


We reaffirm and indorse the principles of the national Democratic 
platform adopted at Chicago in 1896, and we reiterate the demand of 
that platform for an American financial system, made by the Ameri- 
can people for themselves, which shall restore and maintain a bimet- 
alic level, and as part of such system the immediate restoration of the 
free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal 
ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other 


We denounce the currency bill enacted at the last sessison of 
Congress as a step forward in the Republican policy which aims to 
discredit the sovereign right of the national government to issue all 
money, whether coin or paper, and to bestow upon national banks the 
power to issue and control the volume of paper money for their own 

A permanent national bank currency, secured by government 
bonds, must have a permanent debt to rest upon, and if the bank 
currency is to increase with population and business the^ debt must 
also increase. The Republican currency scheme is therefore a 
scheme for fastening upon taxpayers a perpetual and growing debt 
for the benefit of the banks. 

We are opposed to this private corporation paper circulated as 
money, but without legal-tender qualities, and demand the retire- 
ment of the national bank notes as fast as government paper or silver 
certificates can be substituted for them. 


We favor an amendment to the Federal constitution providing for 
the election of United States Senators by direct vote of the people, 
and we favor direct legislation wherever practicable. 


We are opposed to government by injunction; we denounce the 
blacklist, and favor arbitration as a means of settling disputes between 
corporations and their employes. 


In the interest of American labor and the uplifting of the work- 

ingmen, as the cornerstone of the prosperity of our country, we 

recomznend that Congress create a department of labor, in charge of 

3 secretary, with a seat in the Cabinet, belie^iiig t\x«Ai th.Q elevation 


of the American laborer will bring with it increased production and 
increased prosperity to our country at home and to our commerce 


We are proud of the courage and fidelity of the American 
soldiers and sailors in all our wars; we favor liberal pensions to them 
and their dependents^ and we reiterate the position taken in the 
Chicago platform in 1896, that the fact of enlistment and service shall 
be deemed XK>nclu8iye evidence against disease and disability before 


We favor the immediate construction, ownership, and control of 
the Nicaragua canal by the United States and we denounce the 
insincerity of the plank in the national Republican platform for an 
Isthmian canal in face of the failure of the Republican majority to 
pass the bill pending in Congress. 

We condemn the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as a surrender of Amer- 
ican rights and interests, not to be tolerated by the American people. 


We denounce the failure of the Republican party to carry out its 
plegdes, to grant statehood to the territories of Arizona, New Mexico, 
and Oklahoma, and we promise the people of those territories imme- 
diate statehood and home rule during their condition as territories, 
and we favor home rule and a territorial form of government for 
Alaska and Porto Rico. 


We favor an intelligent system of improving the arid lands of the 
West, storing the waters for purposes of irrigation, and the holding 
of such lands for actual settlers. 


We favor the continuance and strict enforcement of the Chinese 
exclusion law and its application to the same classes of all Asiatic 


Jefferson said: * 'Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with 
all nations; entangling alliances with none. *' 

We approve this wholesome doctrine and earnestly protest 
against the Republican departure which has involved us in so-called 
politics, including the diplomacy of Europe and the intrigue and 
land-grabbing of Asia, and we especially condemn the ill-concealed 
Republican alliance with England,* which must mean discrimination 
against other friendly nations, and which has already stifled the 
nation's voice while liberty is being strangled in Africa. 


Believing in the principles of self-government, and rejecting, as 
did our forefathers, the claim of monarchy, we view with indignation 
the purpose of England to overwhelm with force the South African 
repuhlics. Speaking, as we do, for the entire American nation except 
its Republican officeholders, and for all free men everywhere, we 
extend our sympathy to the heroic burghers in their unequal struggle 
to maintain their liberty and independence. 


We denounce the lavish appropriations of recent Bepublicaz^ 
Ck)ngresses, which have kept taxes high, and which threaten the 
perpetuation of the oppressive war levies. 


We oppose the accumulation of a surplus to be squandered in such 
bare-faced frauds upon the taxpayers as the shipping subsidy bi\l, 
which under the false pretense of prospering American ship-building, 
would put unearned millions into the pockets of favorite contribvitoi^ 
to the Republican campaign fund. 


We favor the reduction and speedy repeal of the war taxes, anpl 
a return to the time-honored Democratic policy of strict economy in 
governmental expenditures. 


Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great peril, 
that the very existence of our constitutional republic is at stake, and 
that the decision now to be rendered will determine whether or not 
our children are to enjoy those blessed privileges of free government 
which have made the United States great, prosperous, and honored, 
we earnestly ask for the foregoing declaration of principles the hearty 
support of the liberty- loving American people, regardless of previous 
party affiliations. 


Letter of Acceptance of William J« Bryant Democratic Can* 
didate for Presidentf to the Notification Committee. 

Lincoln, Neb., Sept. 17, 1900. 

Hon. James D. Bichardson, Chairman^ and Others of the Notification 
Committee of (he Democratic National Convention : 

Gentlemen: In accepting the nomination tendered by you on 
behalf of the Democratic party, I beg to assure you of my appreciation 
of the great honor conferred upon me by the delegates in convention 
assembled, and by the voters who gave instructions to the delegates. 

I am sensible of the responsibilities which rest upon the chief 
magistrate of so great a nation, and realize the far-reaching effect of 
the questions involved in the present contest. 

In my letter of acceptance of 1896 I made the following pledge: 

*'So deeply am I impressed with the magnitude of the power 
vested by the Constitution in the chief executive of the nation and 
with the enormous Influence which he can wield for the benefit op in- 
jury of the people, that I wish to enter the oflfice, if elected, free 
from any personal desire, except the desire to prove worthy of the 
confidence of my countrymen. Human judgment is fallible enough 
when unbiased by selfi&h considerations, and, in order that I may not 
be tempted to use the patronage of the office to advance my personal' 
ambition, I hereby announce,' with all the emphasis which words can 
express, my fixed determination not, under any circumstances, to be 
a candidate for re-election, in case this campaign results in my elec- 

Further reflection and observation constrain me to renew this 


The platform adopted at Kansas City commands my cordial and 
unqualified approval. It courageously meets the issues now before 
the country, and states clearly and without ambiguity the party's 
position on every question considered. Adopted by a convention 
which assembled on the anniversary of the signing of the Declaration 
of Independence, it breathes the spirit of candor, independence and 
patriotism which characterizes those who, at Philadelphia in 1776, 
promulgated the creed of the Republic. 

Having in my notification speech discussed somewhat at length 
the paramount issue, imperialism, and added some observations on 
militarism and the Boer war, it is sufficient at this time to review the 
remaining planks of the platform. 


The platform very properly gives prominence to the trust ques- 
tion. The appalling growth of oombinations in restraint of trade 
during the present administration proves conclusively that the E% 

publican party lacks either the desire or the ability to deal with the 
question effectively. 

If, as may be fairly assumed from the speeches and conduct of 
the Republican leaders, that party does not intend to take the people's 
side against these organizations, then the weak and qualified con- 
demnation of trusts to be found in the Republican platform is 
designed to distract attention while industrial despotism is complet- 
ing its work. A private monopoly has always been an outlaw. No 
defense can be made of an industrial system in which one or a few 
men can control for their own profit the output or price of any article 
of merchandise. 

Under such a system the consumer suffers extortion; the producer 
of raw material has but one purchaser, and must sell at the arbitrary 
price fixed; the laborer has but one employer, and is powerless to 
protest against injustice, either in wages or in conditions of labor; 
the small stockholder is at the mercy of the speculator, while the 
traveling salesman contributes his salary to the overgrown profits of 
the trust. 


Since but a small proportion of the people can share in the ad- 
vantages secured by private monopoly, it follows that the remainder 
of the people are not only excluded from the benefits, but are the 
helpless victims of every monopoly organized.. It is difficult to over- 
estimate the immediate injustice that may be done, or to calculate 
the ultimate effect of this injustice upon the social and political wel- 
fare of the people. 

Our platform, after suggesting certain specific remedies, pledges 
the party to an unceasing warfare against private monopoly in Na- 
tion, State ^nd city. 

I heartily approve of this promise; if elected, it shall be my 
earnest and constant endeavor to fulfill the promise in letter and 
spirit. I shall select an Attorney-General who will, without fear or 
favor, enJorce existing laws. 


I shall recommend such additional legislation as may be neces- 
sary to dissolve every private monopoly which does business outside 
of the state of its origin; and, if contrary to my belief and hope, a 
constitutional amendment is found to be necessary, I shall recommend 
such an amendment as will, without impairing any of the exist- 
ing rights of the states, empower Congress to protect the people of 
all the states from injury at the hands of individuals or corporations 
engaged in interstate commerce. 

The platform accurately describes the Dingley tariff law,when it 
condemns it as a ^ 'trust breeding measure, skillfully devised to give 
to the few favors which they do not deserve, and to place upon the 
many burdens which they should not bear." 

Under its operation trusts can plunder the people of the United 
States, while they successfully compete in foreign markets with 


manufiictixrers of other countries. Even those who justify the general 
policy of protection will find it diflacult to defend a tariff which en- 
ables a trust to exact an exorbitant toll from the citizen. 


The Democratic party makes no war upon honestly acquired 
wealth; neither does it seek to embarrass corporations engaged in 
legitimate business, but it does protest against corporations entering 
politics and attempting to assume control of the instrumentalities of 
government. A corporation is not organized for political purposes 
. and should be compelled to confine itself to the business described in 
its charter. 

Honest corporations, engaged in an honest business will find it to 
their advantage to aid in the enactment of such legislation as will 
protect them from the undeserved odium which will be brought upon 
them by those corporations which enter the political arena. 


The Republican party has persistently refused to comply with the 
urgent request of the Interstate Commerce Commission, for such an 
enlargement of the scope of the interstate commerce law as will 
enable the commission to realize the hopes aroused by its creation. 

The Democratic party is pledged to legislation which will em- 
power the commission to protect individuals and communities from 
discrimination, and the public at large from unjust and unfair trans- 
portation rates. 


The platform reiterates the demand contained in the Chicago 
platform for an American financial system made by the American 
people for themselves. 

The purpose of such a system is to restore and maintain a bi- 
metallic level of prices, and in order that there may be no uncertainty 
as to the method of restoring bimetallism, the specific declaration in 
favor of free and unlimited coinage at the existing ratio of 16 to 1, 
independent of the action of other nations, is repeated. 

In 1896 the Republican party recognized the necessity of bimetal- 
lism by pledging the party to an earnest effort to secure an interna- 
tional agreement for the free coinage of silver, and the presiident, 
immediately after his inauguration, by authority of Congress, ap- 
pointed a commission composed of distinguished citizens to visit 
Europe and solicit foreign aid. 


Secretary Hay, in a letter written to Lord Aldenham in Novem- 
ber, 1898, and afterward published in England, declared that at that 
time the president and a majority of his cabinet still believed in the 
great desirability of an international agreement for the restoration 
of the double standard, but that it did not seem opportune to re-open 
negotiations just then. 

The financial law enacted less than a year ago contains a con- 

eluding section declaring that the measure was not intended to stand 
in the way of the restoration of himetallism, whenever it could he 
done hy co-operation with other nations. The platform submitted to 
the last Republican convention with the indorsement of the adminis- 
tration again suggested the possibility of securing foreign aid in re- 
storing silver. 


Now the Republican party, for the first time, abandons its advo- 
caoy of the double standard, and indorses the monetary system which 
it has so often and so emphatically condemned. 

The Democratic party, on the contrary, remains the steadfast ad- 
vocate of the gold and silver coinage of the constitution, and is not 
willing that other nations shall determine for us the time and man- 
ner of restoring silver to its ancient place as a standard money. 

The ratio of 16 to 1 is not only the ratio now existing between all 
the gold and silver dollars in circulation in this country, a ratio 
which even the Republican administration has not attempted to 
change, but it is the only ratio advocated by those who are seeking to 
re-open the mints. 

Whether the Senate, now hostile to bimetallism, can be changed 
during this campaign or the campaign of 1902, can only be deter- 
mined after the votes are counted, but neither the present nor the fu- 
ture political complexion of Congress has prevented or should pre- 
vent an announcement of the party's position upon this subject in 
unequivocal terms. 


The currency bill, which received the sanction of the Executive 
and the Republican members of the House and Senate, justifies the 
warning given by the Democratic party in 1896. 

It was then predicted that the Republicap party would attempt 
to retire the greenbacks, although the party and its leaders stu- 
diously concealed their intentions. That purpose is now plain, and 
the people must choose between the retention of the greenbacks, 
issued and controlled in volume by the government, and a national 
bank note currency issued by banks and controlled in their own 

If the national bank notes are to be secured by bonds, the cur- 
rency system now supported by the Republican party involves a per- 
manent and increasing debt; and, so long as this system stands, the 
financial classes will be tempted to throw their powerful influence 
upon the side of any measure which will contribute to the size and 
permanency of a national debt. 

It is hardly conceivable that the American people will delib- 
erately turn from the debt-paying policy of the past to the dangerous 
doctrine of perpetual bonds. 


The demand for a constitutional amendment providing for the 
election of SenatovB hy direct vote of the people, opp^aiT^lw \?cift ^t%\, 


time in a Democratic national platform, but a resolution proposing 
such an amendment has three times passed the House of Representa- 
tives, and that, too, practically without opposition. 

Whatever may have been the reasons which secured the adoption 
of the present plan a century ago, new conditions have made it im- 
perative that the people be permitted to speak directly in the selec- 
tion of their representatives in the Senate. 

A Senator is no less the representative of the state because he re- 
ceives his commission from the people themselves, rather than from 
the members of the state legislature. 

If a voter is competent to vote for a member of Congress, for state 
officers and for President, he is competent to choose his representa- 
tive in the Senate. 

A system which makes the Senator responsible for his election 
to the people, as a whole, and amenable to them if he misrepresents 
them, must commend itself to those who have confidence in the intel- 
igence and patriotism of the masses. 


The platform indorses the principle of direct legislation. This 
is already applied to the more important questions in nation, state 
and city. It rests upon the sound theory that the people can be 
trusted, and that the more responsive the government is to the will 
of the people, the more free it will be from misuse and abuse. 


Several planks of the platform are devoted to questions in which 
the laboring_classes have an immediate interest, but which more re- 
motely affect our entire population. While what is generally known 
as government by injunction is at present directed chiefly against the 
employes of corporations, when there is a disagreement between them 
and their employer, it involves a principle which concerns every one. 
The purpose of the injunction in such cases is to substitute trial by 
judge for trial by jury, and is a covert blow at the jury system. 

The abolition of government by injunction is as necessary for the 
protection of the reputation of the court as it is for the security of the 
citizen. Blackstone, in defending trial by jury, says: 


'*The impartial administration of justice, which secures both our 
persons and our properties, is the great end of civil society, but if 
that be entrusted entirely to the magistracy, a select body of men, 
and those selected by the prince, such as enjoy the highest offices of 
the state, their decisions, in spite of their natural integrity, will have 
frequently an involuntary bias toward those of their own' rank and 
dignity. It is not to be expected from human nature that the few 
should be always attentive to the interests and good of the many." 

If the criminal laws are not sufficient for the protection of prop- 
erty, they can be made more severe, but a citizen charged with crime 
must have his case tried before a jury of his peers, 



The blacklist as now employed in some places enables the em- 
ployer to place the employe under practical duress, for the skilled 
laborer loses his independence when the employers can not only dis- 
charge him, but prevent his securing any similar employment. The 
blacklist enables employers to secure, by mutual agreement, that 
control over the wage earners which a private, monopoly exercise 
without contract. 


The platform renews the demand for arbitration between the 
corporations and their employes. No one who has observed the fric- 
tion which arises between great corporations and their numerous em- 
ployes can doubt the wisdom of establishing an impartial court for 
the best and equitable settlement of disputes. 

The demand for arbitration ought to be supported as heartily by 
the public, which suffers inconvenience because of strikes and lock- 
outs, and by the employers themselves, as by the employes. The 
establishment of arbitration will insure friendly relations between 
labor and capital, and render obsolete the growing practice of calling 
in the army to settle labor troubles. 


I cannot too strongly emphasize the importance of the platform 
recommendation of the establishment of a department of labor, with 
a member of the Cabinet at its head. When we remember how im- 
portant a position the laborer fills in our economic, social and politi- 
cal fabric, it is hard to conceive of a valid objection being made to 
this recognition of his services. 

Agriculture is already represented in the President's official 
household; the army and navy have their representatives there; the 
State Department, with its consular service, and the Treasury De- 
partment, with its close connection with fiscal affairs, keep the 
executive in touch with the business and commercial interests. A 
Cabinet officer truly representative of the wage-earning class would 
be invaluable, not only to the toilers, but to the President. 


The Chinese exclusion act has proven an advantage to the coun- 
try, and its continuance and strict enforcement, as well as its exten- 
sion to other similar races, are imperatively necessary. The Asiatic 
is so essentially different from the American that he cannot be assim- 
ilated with our population, and is, therefore, not desirable as a per- 
manent citizen. 

His presence as a temporary laborer, preserving his national 
identity, and maintaining a foreign scale of wages and living, must 
erer prove an injustice to American producers, aa ^e\\ a^a Si ^^xi^NNx^aX. 
source of irritation. 



The party expresses its pride in thfe soldiers and sailors of all 
our wars, and declares its purpose to deal generously with them and 
their dependents. A liberal policy is natural and necessary in a 
government which depends upon a citizen soldiery instead of a large 
standing army. Self-interest, as well as gratitude, compels the gov- 
ernment to make bountiful provision for those who, in the hour of 
danger, and at great sacrifice of business, health and life, tender 
their services to their country. 

The pension laws should be construed according to the generous 
spirit which prompted their passage. The platform very properly 
reiterates the position taken in 1896, that the fact of enlistment shall 
be deemed conclusive evidence that the soldier was sound when the 
government accepted him. ' 

A certificate given now to the health of a person forty years ago, 
even if easily obtainable, should not have as much weight as the 
certificate of the medical officer who examined the volunteer with a 
view of ascertaining his fitness for army service. 


The Democratic party is in favor of the immediate construction, 
ownership and control of the Nicaragua canal by the United States. 
The failure of the Republican party to make any progress in carrying 
out a pledge contained in its platform four years ago, together with 
the substitution in its latest platform of a plank favoring an isthmian 
canal for a specific declaration in favor of the Nicaragua canal, would 
indicate that the Republican leaders either do not appreciate the 
importance of this great water way to the maritime strength and 
conmiercial interests of the country, or that they give too much con- 
sideration to the interested opposition of transcontinental lines. The 
Hay-Pauncefote treaty, now before the Senate would, if ratified, 
greatly lessen the value of the canal, if it would not indeed convert it 
into a positive menace in time of war. The paramount interests of 
the United States in the Western hemisphere, together with the ob- 
ligations to defend the republics to the south of us, makes it neces- 
sary jihat our government shall be able to close the canal against any 
hostile power. 


Arizona, New Mexico and Oklahoma have long been ready to 
assume the responsibilities and enjoy the privileges of statehood, and 
it will be a pleasure as well as a duty to carry out the platform pledge 
concerning them. 


The time is ripe for a systematic and extended effort to reclaim 
the arid lands and fit them for actual settlers. The last agricultural 
report estimates that homes can thus be provide.^ to^ xsl'kk^ -n^«J^c\ss^'%. 
of people. 


The impounding and use of the waters which are wasted in the 
spring would people the Western States with thrifty, intelligent and 
industrious citizens, and these would furnish a valuahle market for 
all the products of the factories. 

A small percentage of the money in a war of conquest would pro- 
vide occupation and habitation for more people than would ever seek 
a residence in colonies within the tropics. 


There will be a popular acquiescence in the demand for home 
rule and a territorial form of government in Alaska and Porto Rico. 
Both are entitle^ to local self-government and representation in Con- 


The recognition contained in both the Democratic and Repub- 
lican platforms of the right of the Cubans to independence removes 
the general principle involved from the domain of partisan politics. 
It is proper, however, to consider whether the accomplishment of this 
purpose can be safely entrusted to the Republican party after it has 
yielded to the allurements of the colonial idea, and abandoned its 
earlier faith in the natural and inalienable rights of man. 


The reasons given by Washington, Jefferson and the other states- 
men of the early days in support of the doctrine that we should main- 
tain friendly relations with all nations, but enter into entangling 
alliances with none, are even stronger to-day than they were a hun- 
dred years ago. 

Our commerce is rapidly increasing, and we are brought into 
constant communication with all parts of the world. Even if we de- 
sired to do so, we could not afford to alienate many nations by culti- 
vating unnecessary intimacy with a few. Our strength and standing 
are such that it is less necessary than ever before to lean for aid upon 
the friendliness of a foreign power. 

We cannot connect ourselves with European nations, and share in 
their jealousies and ambitions, without losing the peculiar advantage 
which our location, our character and our institutions give us in the 
world's affairs. 


The doctrine enunciated by Monroe, and approved by succeeding 
presidents, is essential to the welfare of the United States. The con- 
tinents of North and South America are dedicated to the development 
of free government. One republic after another has been established, 
until to-day the monarchicaL idea has barely a foothold in the new 

While it is not the policy of this country to interfere where 

amicable relations exist between European countries and their de- 

pendeacles in AfDeric&f our people would look with disfavor upon any 


attempt on the part of European governments to maintain an unwill,- 
ing or forcible sovereignty over the people living on this side of the 

The position taken by the Republican leaders, and more recently 
set forth by the Republican candidate for the presidency, viz.: That 
we cannot protect a nation from outside interference without exercis- 
ing sovereignty over its people, is an assault upon the Monro6 doc- 
trine, for while this argument is at this time directed against the 
proposition to give to the Filipinos both Independence and protection. 
It Is equally applicable to the republics of Central and South America. 


If this government cannot lend its strength to another republic 
without making subjects of Its people, then we must either withdraw 
our protection from the republics to the south of us or absorb them. 

Under the same plea, that the guardian nation must exert an 
authority equal to Its responsibility, European nations have for cen- 
turies exploited their wards, and it is a significant fact that the Re- 
publican party should accept the European idea of a protectorate at 
the same time that It adopts a European colonial policy. 

There is no excuse for this abandonment of the American idea. 
We have maintained the Monroe doctrine for three-quarters of a cen- 
tury. The expense to us has been practically nothing, but the pro- 
tection has been beyond value to our sister republics. 

If a Filipino republic is erected upon the ruins of Spanish 
tyranny, its protection by us will be neither difficult nor expensive. 
No European nation would be willing for any other European nation 
to have the islands, neither would any European nation be willing to 
provoke a war with us In order to obtain possession of the Islands. 

If we assert sovereignty over the Filipinos we will have to 
defend that sovereignty by force, and the Filipinos will be our ene- 
mies; If we protect them from outside Interference they will defend 
themselves and be our friends. If they show as niuch determination 
In opposing the sovereignty of other nations as they have shown in 
opposing our sovereignty they will not require much assistance 
from us. 


The Republican party, drawing as it does enormous campaign 
funds from those who enjoy special privileges at the hands of the 
government, is powerless to protect the taxpayers from the attack of 
those who profit by large appropriations. 

A surplus in the Treasury offers constant temptation to extrava- 
gance, and extravagance, in turn, compels a resort to new means of 
taxation, which Is being kept In the background until the campaign 
Is over, Is a fair Illustration of the Imposition which will be attempted 
when there is a considerable amount of money idle in the Treasury. 

The rehabilitation of the merchant marine, laudable in itself, is 
made the pretext of expenditure ot publiG \a.o\:^"ei^ lo^ ^3w55> V^-^^^^^ss^*^ 

large ship owners and in the interests of a transportation monopoly. 
The Government, being only the agent of the people, has no right 
to collect from the people taxes beyond the legitimate needs of a Gov- 
ernment honestly and effectively administered, and public servants 
should exercise the same degree of care in the use of the people's 
money that private individuals do in the use of their own money. 
With the restoration of a foreign policy consistent with American 
ideas there can be an inmiediate and large reduction in the burdens 
now borne by the people. 


By inadvertence the income tax plank agreed upon by the resolu- 
tions committee was omitted from the platform as read and adopted. 
The subject, however, is covered by the reaflftrmation of the Chicago 
platform, and I take this occasion to assert my belief in the principle 
which underlies the income tax. Congress should have authority to 
levy and collect an income tax whenever necessary, and an amend- 
ment to the federal constitution specifically conferring such author- 
ity ought to be supported by even those who may think the tax 
unnecessary at this time. In the hour of danger the Government 
can draft the citizen; it ought to be able to draft the pocket-book as 
well. Unless money is more precious than blood we cannot afford to 
give greater protection to the incomes of the rich than to the lives 
of the poor. 


The subjects, however, treated in this letter, important as each 
may seem in itself, do not press so imperatively for solution as does 
the question which the platform declares to be the paramount issue 
in this campaign. 

Whether we shall adhere to or abandon those ideas of govern- 
ment which have distinguished this nation from other nations and 
given to its history its peculiar charm and value, is a question the 
settlement of which cannot be delayed. 

No other question can approach it in importance; no other ques- 
tion demands such Immediate consideration. It is easier to lose a 
reputation than to establish one, and this nation would find it a long 
and laborious task to regain its proud position among the nations, if, 
under the stress of temptation, it should repudiate the self-evident 
truths proclaimed by our heroic ancestors and sacredly treasured dur- 
ing a career unparalleled in the annals of time. 

When the doctrine that the people are the only source of power 
is made secure from further attack, we can safely proceed to the 
settlement of the numerous questions which involve the domestic and 
economic welfare of our citizens. Very truly yours, 




Fusion PopuUst Candidate for President 


Fusion Populist Candidate lor V.-President 




The Peoples Party of the IJDited States, in convention assembled, 
congratulating its supporters on the wide extension of its principles 
in all directions, does hereby reaffirm its adherence to the funda 
mental principles proclaimed in its two prior platforms and calls upon 
all who desire to avert the subversion of free institutions by corporate 
and imperialistic power to unite with it in bringing the government 
back to the ideals of Washington, Jefferson, Jackson and Lincoln. 

It extends to its allies in the struggle for financial and economic 
freedom assurances of its loyalty to the principles which animate the 
allied forces and the promise of honest and hearty co-operation in 
every effort for their success. 

To the people of the United States we offer the following plat- 
form as the expression of our unalterable convictions: 

Besolved, That we denounce the act of March 14, 1900, as the 
culmination of a long series of conspiracies to deprive the people of 
their constitutional rights over the money of the nation and relegate 
to the gigantic money trust the control of the purse, and hence of the 
people. We denounce this act: 

1. For making all money obligationB, domestic and foreign, pay- 
able in gold coin or its equivalent, thus enormously increasing the 
burdens of the debtors and enriching the creditors. 

2. For refunding '*gold bonds" not to mature for years into long- 


time gold bonds, so as to make their payment improbable and our 
debt perpetual. 

3. For taking from the treasury over fifty millions of dollars in 
a time of war and presenting it at a premium to bondholders to ac- 
complish the refunding of bonds not due. 

4. For doubling the capital of bankers by returning to them the 
face value of their bonds in current money notes, so that they may 
draw one interest from the government and another from the people. 

5. For allowing banks to expand and contract their circulation 
at pleasure, thus controlling prices of all products. 

6. For authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to issue new 
gold bonds to an unlimited amount whenever he deems it necessary 
to replenish the gold hoard, thus enabling usurers to secure more 
bonds and more bank currency by drawing gold from the treasury, 
thereby creating an * 'endless chain" for perpetually adding to a 
perpetual debt. 


?. For striking down the greenback in order to force the people 
to borrow three hundred and forty-six millions of dollars more from 
banks, at an annual cost of over twenty millions of dollars. 

While barring out the money of the Constitution this law opens 
the printing mints of the treasury to the free coinage of bank paper 
money, to enrich the few and impoverish the many. 

We pledge anew the Peoples Party never to cease the agitation 
until this eighth financial conspiracy is blotted from the statute 
books, the Lincoln greenback restored, the bonds all paid. and all 
corporation money forever retired. 

We reaffirm the demand for the reopening of the mints of the 
United States to the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at 
the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, the Immediate increase in the 
volume of silver coins and certificates thus created to be substituted, 
dollar for dollar, for the bank notes issued by private corporations 
under special privilege granted by the law of March 14, 1900, and 
prior national banking laws, the remaining portion of the bank notes 
to be replaced with full legal tender government paper money and its 
volume so controlled as to maintain at all times aetable money market 
and a stable price level. 

We demand a graduated income and inheritance tax, to the end 
that aggregated wealth shall bear its just proportion of taxation. 

We demand that postal savings banks be established by the 
government for the safe deposit of the savings of the people and to 
facilitate exchange. 

With Thomas Jefferson, we declare the land, including all natural 
sources of wealth, the inalienable heritage of the people. ' Govern- 
ment should so act as to secure homes for the people and prevent land 
monopoly. The original homestead policy should be enforced and 


future settlers upon the public domain should be entitled to a free 
homestead, while all who have paid an acreage price to the govern- 
ment under existing laws should have their homestead rights restored. 


Transportation being a means of exchange and a public necessity, 
the government should own and operate the railroads in the interest 
of the people and on the nonpartisan basis, to the end that all may be 
accorded the same treatment in transportation, and that the extor- 
tion, tyranny and political power now exercised by the great railroad 
corporations, which result in the Impairment, if not the destruction, 
of the political rights and personal liberties of the citizen, may be 
destroyed. Such ownership is to be accomplished in a manner con- 
sistent with sound public policy. 

Trusts, the overshadowing evil of the age, are the result and 
culmination of the private ownership and control of the three great 
instruments of commerce— money, transportation and the means of 
transmission of information — which instruments of commerce are 
public functions, and which our forefathers declared in the Constitu- 
tion should be controlled by the people through their congress for the 
public welfare. The one remedy for the trusts is that the ownership 
and control be assumed and exercised by the people. 

We further demand that all tariffs on goods controlled by a trust 
shall be abolished. 

To cope with the trust evil the people must act directly without 
the intervention of representatives who may be controlled or in- 
fluenced. We therefore demand direct legislation, giving the people 
the lawmaking and veto power under the initiative and referendum. 
A majority of the people can never be corruptly influenced. 

Applauding the valor of our army and navy in the Spanish war, 
we denounce the conduct of the administration in changing a war for 
humanity into a war of conquest The action of the administration 
in the Philippines is in conflict with all the precedents of our national 
life— at war with the declaration of Independence, the Constitution 
and the plain precepts of humanity. 


Murder and arson have been our response to the appeals of the 
people who asked only to establish a free govci^nment in their own 
land. We demand a stoppage of this war of extermination by the 
assurance to the Philippines of independence and protection under a 
stable government of their own creation. 

The declaration of independence, the Constitution and the Amer- 
ican flag are one and inseparable. The Island of Porto Rico is a part 
of the territory of the United States, and by levying special and 
extraordinary customs duties on the commerce of that island the 
administration has violated the Constitution, abandoned the funda- 
mental principles of American liberty, and has striven to give the 
lie to the contention of our forefathers that there should bo no taxar 
tion without representation. 

Out of the imperialiBm which would force an undesired domina- 
tion on the people of the Philippines springs the un-American cry 
for a large standing army. Nothing in the character or purposes 
of our people justifies us in ignoring the plain lesson of history and 
putting our liberties in jeopardy by assuming the burden of militar- 
ism) which is crushing the people of the old world. We denounce 
the administration for its sinister efforts to substitute a standing 
army for the citizen soldiery, which is the best safeguard of the 

We extend to the brave Boers of South Africa our sympathy and 
moral support in their patriotic struggle for the right of self-govern- 
ment, and we are unalterably opposed to any alliance, open or covert, 
between the United States and any other nation that will tend to the 
destruction of human liberty. 

And a further manifestation of imperialism is to be found in the 
mining districts of Idaho. In the Coeur d'Alene soldiers have been 
used to overawe miners striving for a greater measure of industrial 
independence. And we denounce the state government of Idaho and 
the federal government for employing the military arm of the 
government to abridge the civil rights of the people, and to enforce 
an infamous permit system which denies to laborers their inherent 
liberty and compels them to foreswear their manhood and their 
right before being permitted to seek employment. 


The importation of Japanese and other laborers under contract 
to serve monopolistic corporations is a notorious and flagrant violat- 
ion of the immigration laws. We demand that the federal govern- 
ment shall take cognizance of this menacing evil and repress it under 
existing laws. We further pledge ourselves to strive for the enact- 
ment of more stringent laws for the exclusion of Mongolian and 
Malayan immigration. 

We indorse municipal ownership of public utilities and declare 
that the advantages which have accrued to the public under that 
system would be multiplied a hundredfold by its extension to 
natural interstate monopolies. 

We denounce the practice of issuing injunctions in the cases of 
dispute between employers and employes, making criminal acts 
by organizations which are not criminal when performed by indi- 
viduals, and demand legislation to restrain the evil. 

We demand that United States senators and all other officials as 
far as practicable be elected by direct vote of the people. 

Believing that the elective franchise and untrammeled ballot are 
essential to a government of, for and by the people, the People's 
party condemns the wholesale system of disfranchisement by co- 
ercion and intimidation adopted in some states as unrepublican and 
undemocratic. And we declare it to be the duty of the several state 
legislatures to take such action as will secure a full, free and fair 
ballot and an honest count. 


We favor home rule in the territories and the District of 
Columbia, and the early admission of the territories as states. 

We denounce the expensive red tape system, political favoritism, 
cruel and unnecessary delay and criminal evasion of the statutes in 
management of the pension office, and demand the simple and honest 
execution of the law, and the fulfillment by the nation of its 
pledges of service pension to all its honorably discharged veterans. 

Charles A* Towne Declines the Nomination for Vice«Presi« 
dent on the Populist Ticket* 

DULUTH, Minn., Aug. 7. — Former Congressman Charles A. 
Towne, who was nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Populist 
national convention, held at Sioux Falls in May, has sent the follow- 
ing letter to the committee of notification: 

The Hon. P. M, Bingdaly Chairman, and the Members of the Committee 
on Notification of the Candidate for Vice-President of the PeopWs 
Party National Convention, held at Sioux Falls, S. D,, May 9 arid 
10, 1900: 

Gbntlemen— When, on the 5th of July at Kansas City I had the 
the honor to receive from you the official notification of the action 
of your national convention in nominating me for the office 
of Vice-President of the United States, I requested, in view of 
anomalous and delicate circumstances in the Presidential situa- 
tion, that you permit me to take the subject under careful advisement 
before announcing a decision either accepting or declining that nom- 
ination. This request you we^e pleased to grant, and now, after 
mature consideration of all the factors involved that concern the 
welfare of the cause of political reform in this country and my own 
duty thereto, I am constrained to inform you in all respect that I 
must decline the nomination tendered me by the Sioux Falls con- 


**In announcing this conclusion, I cannot forbear to express to 
you, and through you, to the great convention whose commission you 
hold, as well as to that patriotic body of advanced political thought 
that your convention represented, my deep sense of the honor con- 
^ ferred upon me. To be the unanimous choice of such a convention 
for the second highest office in the service of the republic would be 
a distinction to any citizen. Two circumstances, however, add em- 
phasis to this consideration in the present instance: First, that the 
nomination was unsolicited by me, and, secondly, that the convention. 
as in the case also of its nominee for President, went out of its own 
political organization to select a candidate. To my mind this action 
of the Sioux Falls convention in nominating for President a repre- 


sentative of the Democratic party, and for Vice-President a repre- 
sentative of the Silver Republican party, is one of the most encour- 
ag^ing^ and inspiring spectacles in recent politics. Its unselfishness 
and magnanimity, its testimony to the precedence of the cause of the 
people over any merely partisan advantage, raised the procedure of. 
that convention into the serene upper air of true civic heroism. 
From such a spirit as this, what service, what sacrifice can be asked 
in the name of the republic? 


**It was, of course, the expectation of your convention that its 
nomination for the Vice-Presidency would prove acceptable to the 
conventions of the Democratic and Silver Republican parties called 
to meet in Kansas City on the Fourth of July. The Silver Repub- 
licans, 1,330 delegates, representing twenty-eight states and terri- 
tories, were indeed eager to name the ticket chosen at Sioux Falls; 
but to the great Democratic convention another course commended 
itself. The name of your nominee was presented to that convention 
and was received with remarkable demonstrations of approval by the 
enormous number of citizen spectators, and with the utmost respect 
by the delegates. But geographical considerations, and the fact that 
in certain parts of the country it was deemed wise to defer to a senti- 
ment demanding that the candidate should be a man already identi- 
fied with the Democratic organization, not only by holding its princi- 
ples and advocating its cause, but also by name and profession, 
determined the selection of Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois, a man of 
unimpeachable character and of ripe political experience, who, as a 
member of Congress more than twenty years ago, was a close associate 
and co-laborer of General J. B. Weaver, and other great leaders in 
the reform political movements of that day, and who, as Vice-Presi- 
dent from 1893 to 1897, distinguished himself by rebelling against 
the betrayal of Democratic principles by President Cleveland. 


*< When Mr. Stevenson had been nominated what was it my duty 
to do? . My name had gone before the convention along with his and 
I had been beaten. The nomination had been made decisively and 
with absolute fairness. The candidate chosen was personally unex- 
ceptionable; his loyalty to our principles was beyond question, and 
his career had been a long exemplification of them. Manifestly it 
was my duty to support that nomination. Acting upon this convic- 
tion, I went before the Silver Republican convention and succeeded 
in persuading it not to nominate me, and the Vice-Presidential mat- 
tor was finally referred to the Silver Republican national committee 
with full powers. Later in the night this committee placed the 
name of Mr. Stevenson on its ticket as candidate for Vice-President 

**This recital clearly develops the situation as it now is. Every- 
body knows that either Stevenson or Roosevelt is to be the next Vice- 
PresHdent of theUnitPd States. I am expected to take a laborious 


part in the campaign. I shall, of course, advocate the election of 
Bryan and Stevenson. The Democratic convention, before which I 
was a candidate, nominated Bryan and Stevenson. In what light 
should I appear before the American people if, while ad vocatihg the 
election of one ticket, I should be going througfh the form of running 
on another? Nobody in the United States would think I had the 
slightest chance of being elected, and nobody would believe that I 
considered myself seriously as a candidate unless at the same time he 
believed me to be absolutely lacking in common sense. Whom could 
such a phantom candidacy deceive? What respect should I deserve 
indeed if in such a matter I should attempt to deceive anybody what- 
soever? I know the People's party to be composed of men most 
exceptionally keen and expert in political judgment. So obvious a 
sham could not elude their vision. Either they would resent my 
implied uncomplimentary estimate of them or they would be justified 
in forming one of me which could result only in injuring the cause 
which it had been the professed object of my mistaken folly to 
advance. Consistency and candor in politics, therefore, my own self- 
respect, a proper deference to the People's party, and a sincere regard 
for the welfare of the cause of political reform in the United States — 
all counsel that I now respectfully replace in your hands the honor- 
able trust which your great party committed to me in contemplation 
of a different complexion of affairs than that which has resulted. 


** In conclusion, I may be permitted to express the profound satis- 
faction which I feel in contemplating the present attitude of the 
DemocriBitic party. In 1896 I was one of those who, keenly feeling the 
recreancy of the Republican party, were much in doubt whether the 
memorable Democratic convention at Chicago, in adopting its splendid 
platform and nominating William J. Bryan for the Presidency, was 
actuated by an impulse or by a purpose. The magnificent achieve- 
ments at Kansas City have settled all possible doubt on that subject. 
The platform adopted not only re-enacts the principles of 1896, but, 
in language whose force, dignity and beauty have never been equaled 
in a similar document, responds to the new issues presented in the 
growth of the trust monopoly and the imperialistic policy of the 
administration by an appropriate enunciation of those sublime doc- 
trines of human rights and liberties whose profession and observance 
have been the peculiar glory of our country,and are the sure basis of the 
ultimate happiness of mankind. And again the duty of carrying the 
banner of the cause has been committed to that tried and trusted hand 
whose grasp has never weakened, which no fear can make to falter 
l^nd no burden can dismay. The leadership of Bryan, which could 
have redeemed a bad platform, sanctifies a good one. It made mem- 
orable an unsuccessful contest. It will crown a victory with imperish- 
able splendor. With every sentiment of respect and gratitude, I 
remain, most sincerely yours, 




Mid-Road Populist Candidate for President Mid-Boad Pop. Candidate for V.-Presiden 




The People's Party of the United States, assembled in national 
convention this 10th of May, 1900, affirming' our unshaken belief in 
the cardinal tenets of the Peoples Party as set forth in the Omaha 
platform, and pledging ourselves anew to continued advocacy of those 
grand principles of human liberty until right shall triumph over 
might and love over greed, do adopt and proclaim this declaration of 

1. We demand the initiative and referendum and the imperative 
mandate for such changes of existing fundamental and statute law as 
will enable the people in their sovereign capacity to propose and 
compel the enactment of such laws as they desire, to reject such as 
they deem injurious to their interests and to recall unfaithful public 

2. We demand the public ownership and operation of those 
means of commuDication, transportation and production which the 

prop/e may elect, such as railroads, telegraph aii^ \,e\e^^iaxi^ VL^«^^ 
coal mioea, etc, 


3. The land, including all natural sources of wealth, is a herit- 
age of the people, and should not he monopolized for speculative 
purposes, and alien ownership of land should he prohihited. All land 
now held hy railroads and other corporations in excess of their actual 
needs and all lands now owned hy aliens should he reclaimed hy the 
government and held for actual settlers only. 

4.' A scientific and ahsolute paper money, hased upon the entire 
wealth and population of the nation, not redeemahle in any specific 
commodity, hut made a full legal tender for all dehts and receivable 
for all taxes and public dues, and issued by the government only 
without the intervention of hanks and in sufficient quantity to meet 
the demands of commerce, is the best currency that can be devised, 
but until such a financial system is secured, which we shall press for 
adoption, we favor the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and 
gold at the legal ratio of 16 to 1. 

5. We demand the levy and collection of a graduated tax on 
incomes and inheritances and a constitutional amendment to secure 
the same if necessary. 

6. We demand the election of President, Vice-President, federal 
judges and United States senators by direct vote of the people. 

7. We are opposed to trusts, and declare the contention between 
the old parties on the monopoly question is a sham battle, and that no 
solution of this mighty problem is possible without the adoption of 
the principles of public ownership of public utilities. 



Prohibition Candidate for President Prohibition Candidate for Vioe-President 



AT CHICAGO, JUNE 26, 1900. 


The National Prohibition Party, in convention represented, at 
Chicago, June 27 and 28, IdOO, acknowledge Almighty God as the 
Supreme Source of all just government. Realizing that this republic 
was founded upon Christian principles and can endure only as 
it embodies justice and righteousness, and asserting that all 
authority should seek the best good of all the governed, to this end 
wisely prohibiting what is wrong and permitting only what is right, 
hereby records and proclaims: 


1. We accept and assert the definition given by Edmund Burke, 
that **a party is a body of men joined together for the purpose of 
promoting, by their joint endeavor, the national interest upon 
some particular principle upon which they are all agreed." We 
declare that there is no principle now advocated, by any other 
party, which could be made a fact in government with such 
beneficent moral and material results as the principle of Prohi- 
bition, applied to the beverage liquor trafiSc; that the national 
interest could be promoted in no other way so surely and widely as by 
its adoption and assertion through a national policy, and the co-opera- 
iJon therein of every Btate, forbidding the maiiulwi\.\xTft,«»i\^, ^x.i^rta- 


tioD, importation and transportation of intoxicating liquors for bever- 
age purposes; that we stand for this as the only principle, proposed 
by any party anywhere, for the settlement of a question greater and 
graver than any other before the American people, and involving 
more profoundly than any other their moral future, and financial wel- 
fare; and that all the patriotic citizenship of this country, agreed 
upon this principle, however much disagreement there may be as to 
minor considerations and issues, should stand together at the ballot- 
box, from this time forward, until Prohibition is the established 
policy of the United States, with a party in power to enforce it and 
to insure its moral and material benefits. 

We insist that such a party, agreed upon this principle and 
policy, having sober leadership, without any obligation for success to 
the saloon vote and to those demoralizing x)olitical combinations of 
men and money now allied therewith and suppliant thereto, could 
successfully cope with all other and lesser problems of government, 
in legislative halls and in the executive chair, and that it is useless 
for any party to make declarations in its platform as to any questions 
concerning which there may be serious differences of opinion in its 
own membership, and as to which, because of such differences, the 
party could legislate only on a basis of 'mutual concessions when com- 
ing into power. 

We submit that the Democratic and Republican parties are alike 
insincere in their assumed hostility to trusts and monopolies. They 
dare not and do not attack the most dangerous of them all, the liquor 
power. So long as the saloon debauches the citizen and breeds the 
purchasable voter, money will continue to buy its way to power. 
Breakdown this traffic, elevate manhood, and a sober citizenship will 
find a way to control dangerous combinations of capital. 

We propose as a first step in the financial problems of the nation 
to save more than a billion of dollars every year, now annually ex- 
pended to support the liquor traffic and to demoralize our people. 
When that is accomplished, conditions will have so improved that 
with a clearer atmosphere the country can address itself to the ques- 
tions as to the kind and quantity of currency needed. 


2. We reaffirm as true indisputably the declaration of William 
Windom, when secretary of the treasury in the cabinet of President 
Arthur, that'* Considered socially, financially, politically or morally, 
the licensed liquor traffic is or ought to be the overwhelming issue in 
American politics,'' and that *' the destruction of this iniquity stands 
next on the calendar of the world's progress." We hold that the 
existence of our party presents this issue squarely to the American 
pec^le, and lays upon them the responsibility of choice between 
liquor parties, donainated by distillers and brewers, with their policy 
of saloon perpetuation, breeding waste, wickedness, woe, pauperism, 
taxation, corruption and crime, and our one party of patriotic and 
moral principle, with a policy which defends it from domination by 


corrupt bosses and which insures it forever against the blighting 
control of saloon politics. 

We face with sorrow, shame and fear, the awful fact that this 
liquor traffic has a grip on our government, municipal, state and 
national, through the revenue system and saloon sovereignty, which 
no other party dares to dispute; a grip which dominates the party 
now in power, from caucus to Congress, from policeman to President, 
from the rumshop to the White House; a grip which compels the 
chief executive to consent that law shall be nullified in behalf of the 
brewer, that the canteen shall curse our army and spread intempe- 
rance across the seas, and that our flag shall wave as the symbol of 
partnership at home and abroad, between this government and the 
men who defy and defile it for their unholy gain.^ 


3. We charge upon President McKinley, who was elected to his 
high office by appeals to Christian sentiment and patriotism almost 
unprecedented and by a combination of moral influences never before 
seen in this country, that, by his conspicuous example as a wine- 
drinker at public banquets and as a wine-serving host in the White 
House, he has done more to encourage the liquor business, to demor- 
alize the temperance habits of young men, and to bring Christian 
practices and requirements into disrepute, than any other President 
this republic has ever had. We further charge upon President Mc- 
Kinley responsibility for the army canteen, with all its dire brood of 
disease, immorality, sin and death, in this country, in Cuba, in Porto 
Eico and the Philippines; and we insist that by his attitude con- 
cerning the canteen, and his apparent contempt for the vast number 
of petitions and petitioners protesting against it, he has outraged and 
insulted the moral sentiment of this country, in such a manner and 
to such a degree, as calls for its righteous uprising and his indignant 
and effective rebuke. 

We challenge denial of the fact that our chief executive, as com- 
mander in chief of the military forces of the United States, at any 
time prior to or since March 2, 1899, could have closed every army 
saloon, called a canteen, by executive order, as President Hayes in 
effect did before him, and should have closed them, for the same rea- 
sons which actuated President Hayes; we assert that the act of Con- 
gress, passed March 2, 1899, forbidding the sale of liquor, **in any post- 
exchange or canteen," by any "officer or private soldier" or by ''any 
other person on any premises used for military purposes in the United 
States," was and is as explicit an act of Prohibition as the English 
language can frame; we declare our solemn belief that the attorney 
general of the United States in his interpretation of that law, and the 
secretary of war in his acceptance of that interpretation and his refusal 
to enforce the law, were and are guilty of treasonable nullification 
thereof, and that President McKinley, through his assent to and 
indorsement of such interpretation and refusal, on the part of officials 
appointed by and responsible to him, sharea respouBlbly in their guilt; 


and we record our conviotion that a new and serious perilconf rents 
our country, in the fact that its President, at the hehest of the beer 
power, dare and does abrogate a law of Congress, through subordin- 
ates removable at will by him and whose acts become his, and thus 
virtually confesses that laws are to be administered, or to be nullified 
in the interest of a law-defying business, by an administration under 
mortgage to such business for support. 


4. We deplore the fact that an administration of this republic, 
claiming the right and power to carry our flag across seas, and to 
conquer and to annex new territory, should admit its lack of power to 
prohibit the American saloon on subjugated soil, or should openly 
confess itself subject to liquor sovereignty under that flag. We are 
humiliated, exasperated and grieved, by the evidence painfully 
abundant, that this administration's policy of expansion is bearing so 
rapidly its first fruits of drunkenness, insanity and crime under the 
hot-house sun of the tropics; and when the president of the first 
Philippine commission says **It was unfortunate that we introduced 
and established the saloon there, to corrupt the natives and to ex- 
hibit the vices of our race, '' we charge the inhumanity and unchris- 
tianity of this act upon the administration of William McKinley and 
upon the party which elected and would perpetuate the same. 

5. We declare that the only policy which the government of the 
United States can of right uphold as to the liquor traffic, under the 
national constitution, upon any territory under the military or civil 
control of that government, is the policy of Prohibition; that "to es- 
tablish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common 
(defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of 
liberty to ourselves and our posterity," as the constitution provides, 
the liquor traffic must neither be sanctioned nor tolerated, and that 
the revenue policy, which makes our governnent a partner with 
distillers and brewers and bar- keepers, is a disgrace to our civiliza- 
tion, an outrage upon humanity, and a crime against God. 

We condemn the present administration at Washington because it 
has repealed the prohibitory laws in Alaska, and has given over the 
partly civilized tribes there to be the prey of the American grog- 
shop; and because it has entered upon a license policy in our new 
possessions by incorporating the same in the recent act of Congress 
in the code of laws for the government of the Hawaiian Islands. 

We call general attention to the fearful fact that exportation of 
liquors from the United States to the Philippine Islands increased 
from $337 in 1898 to $467,198 in the first ten months of the fiscal year 
ending June 80, 1900; and that while our exportation of liquors to 
Cuba never reached $30,000 a year, previous to American occupation 
of that island, our exports of such liquors to Cuba, during the fiscal 
year of 1899, reached the sum of ^^2a,?»SS. 


6. One great religious body (the Baptist) having: truly declared 
of the liquor traffic *Hhat it has no defensible right to exist, that it 
can never be reformed, and tbat it stands condemned by its un- 
righteous fruits as a thing un-Christian, un-American, and perilous 
utterly to every interest in life"; another great religious body (the 
Methodist) having as truly asserted and reiterated that *'no political 
party has aright to expect, nor should receive, the votes of Christian 
men so long as it stands committed to the license system, or refuses to 
put itself on record in an attitude of open hostility to the saloon"; 
other great religious bodies having made similar deliverances, in 
language plain and unequivocal, as to the liquor traffic and the duty 
of Christian citizenship in opposition thereto; and the fact being 
plain and undeniable that the Democratic party stands for license, the 
saloon, and the canteen, while the Republican party, in policy and 
administration, stands for the canteen, the saloon and revenue there- 
from, we declare ourselves justified in expecting that Christian voters 
everywhere shall cease their complicity with the liquor curse by re- 
fusing to uphold a liquor party, and shall unite themselves with the 
only party which upholds the Prohibition policy, and which for 
nearly thirty years has been the faithful defender of the church,. the 
state, the home and the school, against the saloon, its expanders and 
perpetuators, their actual and persistent foes. 

We insist that no differences of belief, as to any other question 
or concern of government, should stand in the way of such a union 
of moral and Christian citizenship as we hereby invite, for the 
speedy settlement of this paramount moral, industrial, financial and 
political issue, which our party presents; and we refrain from declar- 
ing ourselves upon all minor matters, as to which differences of 
opinion may exist, that hereby we may offer to the American people 
a platform so broad that all can stand upon it who desire to see sober 
citizenship actually sovereign over the allied hosts of evil, sin and 
crime, in a government of the people, by the people and for the 

We declare that there are but two real parties, to-day, concerning 
the liquor traffic — perpetuationists and Prohibitionists; and that 
patriotism, Christianity and every interest of genuine and of pure 
democracy, besides the loyal demands of our common humanity, 
require the speedy union, in one solid phalanx at the ballot box, of 
all who oppose the liquor traffic's perpetuation, and who covet 
endurance for this republic. 


Letter of Acceptance of John G* Woolley^ Prohibition Candi* 

date for President* Delivered at Chicago* III** 

July 20, 1900. 

Mr. Chairman and Oentlemen of the Committee: 

I accept this nominatioD, not as the leader of a forlorn hope, but 
as a color-bearer in the next and greatest forward movement of 
humanity. For it seems well within lines of the most studious mod 
oration to ,believe that organized conscience, as represented by the 
church, and organized greed as represented by the liquor traffic, are 
forming rapidly in American politics, for the greatest pitched battle 
of the ages, and in that fight he is the chief of dullards who cannot 
pick the winner. 

First, then, and least important of the things entitled to be 
mentioned here, the personal honor you confer upon me, resolved by 
the prism of cold fact, appears to show my labors multiplied, my in- 
come stopped, my faults magnified, my motives clouded, my liberty 
abridged, my usefulness diminished, my career cut short, but in the 
whole white light of faith— which is nothing more than reason clarified 
— I seem to see that although no vote be cast for us in the electoral 
college, yet many a party, elected and re-elected, may have to walk 
behind ours, when the lines of fame are formed according to true 

As history fills her reams and tomes and tons of the wisdom of 
the * 'smooth" statesmanship to whose myopic vision the lesser of the 
two likely evils seems the highest good, and of the piety of the 
prophets who wilL stoop to prosper, she will reserve a page or two for 
the * 'foolishness" of Christian citizenship, and underneath the 
list of names that you from time to time have* marked for honorable 
mention— Black and Smith and Dow and Fisk and Bidwell and Lev- 
ering, and the rest— will write: * 'These all died in the faith, not 
having received the promises, but having seen them and greeted 
them from afar, and confessed that they were pilgrims and strangers 
on the earth.'' At the foot of this list, and least worthy of all, so far, 
you offer to add my name, and I thank you. You are the picked men 
of the churches; the bravest of the brave in politics, and I would 
rather be the humblest private in the ranks, with such as you, than 
to be President of the United States and feel obliged to touch my hat 
to the saloon. 

But our success depends upon the advancement of no candidate. If 
it were so, we might feel discouraged at the prospect It takes some 
millions of votes to elect a President, but in the enthronement of a 
righteous principle one "first rate fighting man" shall chase a 
thousand camp followers, and two put "ten thousand to flight." Our 
issue is our real nominee, and if but half a million Christian men be 
true, we will elect it on the sixth of next November. And I, for one 

expect that we shall get the half million, and long before the fourth 
of March inaugurate the doctrine of Prohibition with a party behind 
it in the political consciousness of the United States. 


This confidence in the rightness and the progress and the out- 
come of our movement rises not alone from sentimental faith that 
right will triumph, but also from plain, present symptoms in the 
body politic. The Prohibition party has not descended from the 
clouds to agitate this nation and convict it. We have not come back 
out of the future to trouble the present time. We are blood and 
bone and brain of the same past from which our neighbors spring. 
The same high thought that controls us is growing in our fellow 
citizens. We are not the creator of a new time, but a sign of the 
time that is here. We have seen the high vision sooner than the 
others, but the mountains of political possibility in America— the 
homes, the churches and the common schools— are *'full of horses 
and chariots.*' The hand of the American people is groping for 
''the sword of the Lord and of Gideon,*' and some of us now living 
will see them sheathe it in the belly of the saloon. 

Why, then, having this confidence, do we cry back at our friends 
who cling to the old ways, saying hard things and sometimes cruel 
things? That is too deep a matter to go into here, but it is physic- 
ally certain that the reason why we humaii beings think and act and 
speak at all, is because our own nerve-ends fret each other. And so, 
in social life, man frets man and state frets state, and, somehow, by 
that travail, the great world-thoughts are bom and under way before 
any individual can claim the credit of their bringing forth. And if 
we do agitate the good ill-naturedly, sometimes, it is, perhaps, be- 
cause our appetite for the "strong meat" of truth is more developed 
than our powers of digestion. For myself, at any rate, whatever 
vices of presentation may be charged to me, I am not and cannot be a 
pessimist, for in every quiet, wholesome moment of my thinking, I 
perceive that my own highest thought is but a fragment of the out- 
put of the social organism of which I am a member. 


When the unreasoning heartache grips me which makes me hurl 
fierce upbraidmgs at my fellow men, my church, my country, I 
forgive myself and apologize to nobody, for I know that my abrupt 
half sentences are but the unspoken and unspeakable agonies of 
horror-stricken homes filling the unseen channels of human 
sympathy, and pouring themselves into an open mind from day to 
day. When in my mind I make my nightly rounds of military camps 
and see the white-faced lads, in their rough boxes, dead at the hands 
of the liquor traffic, denied even the grace of a bullet or a poisoned 
arrow in their taking off; when I know that they are emasculated in 
their manhood by the "canteen" and then robbed, diseased, fiayed by 
^Ife '^outside dive;^^ when I know that the lieutenant general of the 


army tried to save them from the insidious, respectable allurements 
at their tent doors, and that Congress, without one voice dissenting, 
forbade that damnable infamy to thrust itself up to their lips, quiver- 
ing with homesickness; when, I say, I remember these things, and 
call the annulment of that statute, treason, I know I speak the 
inner thought of my country, and no time-serving pot-hunter shall 
frighten me by whimpering that I **speak evil of dignitaries.'' 

But stop! Is not the canteen better than the "outside dive?'* 
No I It is not better than anything. It is wrong, it is worse than 
the dive in evil initiative, and infinitely, infamously worse in the 
teaching. The dive is kept by a brute biped, unfeathered. The 
canteen is the creation of a "godly man," a "Christian gentleman," 
and the President of the United States, in violation of the law of his 
church and of his oath of office. 

To this high faith in the essential unity and integrity of the 
people'our platform is a signal testimony. It lays its corners on the 
religious idea, which is common to all men and the bedrock of all 
society, and forbids "the sound of any ax or hammer" of a politi- 
cian trying to force a joint or rush the superstructure. In form and 
subject-matter also it seems exactly suited to the end in view, which 
is not, primarily, to carry an election, but to make it possible for a 
Christian man to carry himself, man fashion, at an election. In 
superficial area it suffers in comparison with the others, but in intel- 
lectual and moral breadth and length and depth and height it has no 
rival in the field to-day. The peril of nations is the sag of moral 
character. They run to art, science, literature, philosophy, and 
drive out homespun virtue in the undertow. Greece did that, and 
how she died is ancient history. They run to law, statecraft, armies, 
colonies, and forget " truth in the inward parts." Rome rotted down 
of that a fortnight of centuries ago. They run to "prosperity at 
home and prestige abroad " and sell the truth for offices and money. 
This country is trying that; but love says, if not judgment, that she 
will cleanse herself and live forever. To that end some trust in free 
Silver and some in cornered gold, but we say:. "Back to the con- 
science of the people !" The highest statesmanship, in such a gov- 
ernment as this, is that which, as often as possible, lines up the 
people at a simple, single, conscience proposition. This is the 
noblest use a general election can be put to. The multiplex issues 
of economics are for experts and committees and legislatures. They 
mix the people, miss their best thought and dull their moral sense. 
But, when they speak upon a moral question, fairly and honorably 
submitted, "the voice of the people is the voice of God." The stain 
and peril of our politics today is that the great leaders are blind or 
false to this divinely ordered function of the electorate. The agony 
of the bosses is, lest we remember the heights of our nature and 
refuse to wallow one another in the dirt, like ragged pickaninnies, 
for pennies that the ruling scoundrels fling among us, while the 
"powers" of commercialism prostitute our own f rancM&Q^ tA slLv:;^. ^^ 

up — in the language of current diplomacy — into '^spheres of 
influence'* for purposes of spoil. 


Most pertinent illustrations are close at hand and very tempting. 
But in the shadow of the news from China and the enormous re- 
sponsihilities thrown hy it upon the parties in control in Congress 
and the executive department, it seems to me that good citizens of 
all parties should refrain from general criticism until civilization 
gets its foot upon the yellow spider at Pekin. But none the less, the 
right, and duty, of our party holds, to hring clean-handed, into this 
and every crisis, the voice of the church: * 'There is an accursed 
thing in the midst of thee,'' Oh America; 'Thou canst not stand 
hefore thine enemies until ye put away the accursed thing from 
among you!" If conscience is to he ordered to the rear as you 
expand your borders and your powers, never mind your murdered 
missionaries and ministers; murder is nothing but murder after all! 
If conscience is to die, at home, never mind the color of the coins you 
lay upon her eyes! If bravery belongs to Christian government, no 
man or party that is afraid of the liquor traffic is fit to lead this 
people into the twentieth century. 

If '*the safety of the people is the supreme law," the Prohibition 
party brings to the Inllot box the greatest issue ever framed in 
politics; no far-away, impractical fanaticism, either, but a real tiding, 
close, importunate, reasonable, universal. Would you strike for 
"life, liberty and happiness?" Then train your guns of civil rights 
upon the license system, that sells short leases to bad men and weak 
meft and ignorant men, to spread death, slavery and misery in the 
land. Would you uphold the constitution? Then tear down the 
organized disunion of the liquor traffic that establishes injustice and 
breeds domestic turmoil; that undermines the common defense, pro- 
motes anarchy, disease, idiocy, vagrancy and crime and makes ''the 
blessings of liberty" a sham and a lie to millions of us and our 
posterity! Would you be true to our island dependencies? Spare 
their people the brain-rot of the American saloon ! Would you make 
sure of honest money? Refuse the bloody millions of the liquor 
traffic; shut down the distilleries and breweries; shut up the saloons; 
shut out of the ports foreign alcohols in every form, and open up the 
windows of the conscience of the country to the voices of the dawning 

Two errors beset us all the way, that which says: "Public sen- 
timent is not ready, this thing cannot be done!" and that which says: 
*'It is right, we shall win quickly!" 


If public sentiment is pot ready, we must get it ready, and that 
cannot be done by surrendering to the enemy. But the supposition 
wrongs the people. They are ready, if they can have their attention 
drawn and held to the religious argument, as opposed to party ez- 


pedioi^. Thej hare been dngged about in tbe **bad kndft** of 
poliiiea until they are dieooaraged and perrerted in judgment, so 
that they do not reason <rf lighteoosnefis at all. We do not need to 
create aentiment^ hot to collect it| and that cannot be done qnickly* 
Our fight is not against the people, nor even against the saloon, 
primarily, hot we fight to set up an ideal, and rictory in soch a 
matter neither halts nor harries. Few of us can lay claim to 
what is caUed ^^litical sagacity/' Problons of human 
govemm«it are reiy big and Tery complicated. The Tery 
simplest d them, even if one's own opinion be adopted, 
may in^olTe time far beyond his span of life, and intoests far 
beyond his powers of calcalatiai. His own capacity may be Tery 
small, his sense of propcx^ioo crude, his judgment variable, his will 
none too straig. In the argument, therefore, of questions, many of 
whose elements are unknown, and even unknowable, to him, and 
which are so vast that when he looks at them he cannot tell cause 
f nmi effect, nor premise from cooclusion, he cannot hope to hold his 
own against debaters who know far more than he does. He cannot 
even trust himself, unopposed, in very complicated matters where 
friendship and ambition and property and self interests are {lart and 
Iiarcel. But he will find that he can always tell the right from the 
wrong side of a simple, moral question. And, judging others by my- 
self, I say, on the ground of both good morals and good politics, that 
the next great business of this country is to get itself upon a straight- 
out conscience basis, trusting aoy * 'civil service" that comes out of 
that to be reliable in minor things. To tell the points of the compass, 
to this day, I have to rub the Aladdin's lamp of my imagination and 
be transported to my childhood home, which stood on a hill facing 
east; once there, tbe whole plan of tbe earth becomes plain to me. 
So, in my politics, it seems to me the part of wisdom to find the direc- 
tion and relatioD of things, by going back in spirit to take my bear- 
iDgs '^ my father's house." 

By the revolutiou of 1776 we set up the ideal of liberty; by the 
revolution of 1789 we set up the ideal of social confederacy; by the 
revolution of 1861 we set up the ideal of national unity. Not one of 
these ideals is yet realized in perfect fact, but they are comiug on. 
By the revolution of 1900 we shall set up national righteousness, 
which, providentially, is ready to loyal hands in the issue of 
the Prohibition party. And so, thanking you once more for this 
distinguished mark of your confidence, I bid you, for the honor of 
the church, in tbe great words of the father of our country, to come 
on: '^Letus lift up a standard to which the wise and honest may 
repair, the event is in the hand of God." 


Naturalization Laws of the United States* 

The conditions under and the manner in which an alien may be admitted to 
become a citizen of the United States are prescribed by Section 2, 165-74 of the 
Revised Statutes of the United States. 


The alien must declare upon oath before a circuit or district court of the United 
States or a district or supreme court of the Territories, or a court of record of any 
of the States having common law jurisdiction and a seal and clerk, two years at 
least prior to his admission, that it is, bona fide, his intention to become a oitizenof 
the United States, and to renounce forever all allegiance and .fidelity to any foreign 
prince or State, and particularly to the one of which he may be at the time a citizen 
or subject. 


He must at the time of his application to be admitted declare on oath, before 
some one of the courts above specified, "that he will support the Constitution of the 
United States, and that he absolutely and entirely renounces and abjures all 
allegiance and fidelity to every foreign prince, potentate. State, or sovereignty, and 
particularly, by name, to the prince, potentate, State, or sovereignty of which he 
was before a citizen or subject," which proceedings must be recorded by the clerk 
of the court 


If it shall appear to the satisfaction of the court to which the alien has applied 
that he has made a declaration to become a citizen two years before applying for 
final papers, and has resided continuously within the United States for at least five 
years, and within the State or Territory where such court is at the time held one 
year at least; and that during that time *'he has behaved as a man cf good moral 
character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and 
well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same,*' he will be admitted 
to citizenship. 


If the applicant has borne any hereditary title or order of nobility he must make 
an express renunciation of the same at the time of his application. 

Any alien of the age of tweoty-one years and upward who has been in the armies 
of the United States, and has been honorably discharged therefrom, may become a 
citizen on his petition, without any previous declaration of intention, provided that 
he has resided in the United States at least one year previous to his application, 
and is of good moral character. (It is judicially decided that residence of one year 
in a particular State is not requisite.) 


Any alien under the age of twenty-one years who has resided In the United 
States three years next preceding his arriving at that age, and who has continued 
to reside therein to the time he may make application to be admitted a citizen thereof, 
may, after he arrives at the age of twenty -one years, and after he has resided five 
years within the United States, including the three years of his minority, be ad- 
mitted a citizen; but he must make a declarj^tion on oath and prove to the satisfac- 
tion of the court that for two years next preceding it has been his bona fide Intention 
to become a citizen. 


The children of persons who have been duly naturalized, being under the age of 
twenty one years at the time of the naturalization of their parents, shall. If dwell- 
ing in the United States, be considered as citizens thereof. 



The children of persons who now are or have been citizens of the United States 
are, thoo^h bom oat of the limits and jurisdiction of the United States, considered 
as citizens thereof. 


Chapter 165, Laws 53d Congress, 1895. Sec. 2166, provides that any alien of 21 
years of age and upward, who has enlisted or may enlist in the United States NaTy 
or Marine Corps, or has served or may hereafter serve five consecutive years in the 
United States Navy or Marine Corps, and has been or may hereafter be honorably 
discharged, shall be admitted to become a citizen of the United States on his petition 
without any previous declaration of Intention to become such and the Court admit- 
ting such alien shall in addition to proof of good moral charaoteifbe satisfied by 
competent proof of such service and honorable discharge from the United States 
Navy or Marine Corps. 


Section 2168 of U. S. Statutes provides when any alien who has complied with 
the first condition in Section 2165 dies before he is actually naturalized, the widow 
and children of such alien shall be considered as citizens of the United States and 
shall be entitled to all rights and privileges as such on taking the oaths prescribed. 


The naturalization of Chinamen is expressly prohibited by Section 14, Chapter 
126, Laws of 1882. 

Section 2,000 of the Revised Statutes of the United States declares that "all 
naturalized citizens of the United States while in foreign countries are entitled to 
and shall receive from this Oovemment the same protection of persons and proi>erty 
which is accorded to native-bom citizens." 

The right to vote comes from the State, and is a State gift. Naturalization is a 
Federal right and is a gift of the Union, not of any one State. In nearly one-half of 
the Union aliens (who have declared intentions) vote and have the right to vote 
equally with naturalized or native born citizens. In the other half only actual citi- 
zens may vote. (See Table of Qualifications for Voting in each State, on another 
page.) The Federal naturalization laws apply to the whole Union alike, and pro- 
vide that no alien may be naturalized until after five years* residence. Even 
after five years' residence and due oaturalization he is not entitled to vote unless 
the laws of the State confer the privilege upon him, and he may vote In several 
States six months after landing, if he has declared his intention, under United 
States laws, to become a citizen. 

Voting Qualifications* 


ALABAMA— Citizens, or alien who has declared his intention, must exhibit poll- 
tax receipt. 

ARKANSAS-Like Alabama. 

CALIFORNIA— Citizens by pativity ; naturalized for 90 days or treaty of Queretaro 

COLORADO— Citizens, male or female, or alien who has declared his intention 4 
months before offering to vote. 

CONNECTICUT— Citizens who can read. 

DELAWARE-Citizens paying $1 registration fee. 

FLORIDA— Citizens of United States. 

GEORGIA— Citizens who have paid all taxes since 1877. 

IDAHO— Citizens, male or female. 

ILLINOIS— Citizens of United States. 


INDtAK A— Citizens, or alien who has declared intention and resided 1 year in 

United States. 
IOWA— Citizens of United States. 
KANSAS— Citizens, aliens who have declared •intention; women vote at municipal 

^ and school elections. 
KENTUCKY— Citizens of United States. 
LOUISIANA— Citizens, or alien who has declared intention. 
MAINE-Cltizens of United States. 
MARYLAND— Citizens of United States. 
MASSACHUSETTS— Citizens who can read and write English. 
MICHIGAN— Citzens, or alien who declared intention prior to May 8, 1892. 
MINNESOTA— Citizens and aliens who have declared Intention; civilized IndiaDs; 

women can vote at school elections. 
MISSISSIPPI— Citizens who can read or understand the constitution. 
MISSOURI— Citizens, or alien who has declared his intention not less than 1 nor 

more than 5 years before offering to vote. 
MONTANA— Citizens of United States. 
NEBRASKA— Citizens, or alien who has declared his intention 90 days before 

NEVADA— Citizens of United States. 
NEW HAMPSHIRE— Citizens of United States. 
NEW JERSEY— Citizens of United States. 
NE W YORK— Citizens who have been such for 90 days. 
NORTH CAROLINA— Citizens of United States. 
NORTH DAKOTA— Citizens, or alien who has declared intention 1 year and Indians 

who have severed tribal rel itions; limited woman suffrage. 
OHIO— Citizens. 
OREGON— White male citizens, or aliens who have declared intention 1 year 

before election. 
PENNSYLVANIA— Citizens at least 1 month, and if 22 years old, must have paid 

tax within 2 years. 
RHODE ISLAND— Citizens of United *^tates. 
SOUTH CAROLINA— Citizens of United States. 
SOUTH DAKOTA— Citizens, or alien who has declared intention. 
TENNESSEE— Citizens who have p vid poll-tax preceding year. 
TEXAS— Citizens, or alien who has declared intention 6 months before election. 
UTAH— Citizens of United States, male or female. 
VERMONT— Citizens of United States. 
VIRGINIA— Citizens of United States 
WASHINGTON— Citizens of United States. 
WEST VIRGINIA— Citizens of tbe State. 
WISCONSIN— Citizens, or alien who his declared Intention. 
WYOMING— Citizens, male or female. 

Persons Excluded From Suffragre. 

ALABAMA—Convlcted of treason or other felonies. Idiots, or Insane. 

ARIZONA TERRITORY-Indlans and Chinamen. 

ARKANSAS— Idiots, Insane, convicted of felony, until pardoned, failure to pay 

CALIFORNIA— Chinese, Idiots, Insane, embezzlers of public moneys, convicted of 

Infamous crime. 
COLORADO— Convicted of crime, bribery In public office. 
CONNECTICUT— Convicted of heinous crime, unless pardoned. 
DELAWARE— Insane persons and paupers or persons convicted of felony. 
FLORIDA— Idiots, duelists, convicted of felony or any infamous crime. 
GEORGIA— Convicted of felony, unless pardoned, idiots, and Insane. 
IDAHO— IdiotB, Insane, competed of felony or treason. 

ILLINOIS— Ck>nvlcted of felony or bribery In elections, unless restored to citizen-' 
ship, idiots, lunatics. 

INDIANA— United States soldiers, sailors, and marines, and persons convicted of 
infamous crime. 

IPW A— Idiots, insane, convicted of infamous crime. 

KANSAS— Felons, insane, rebels not restored to citizenship. 

KENTUCKY— Convicted of felony, idiots, and insane. 

LOUISIANA— Idiots, Insane, convicted of felony or treason, unless pardoned, 
with express restoration of franchise. 

MAINP^Paupers and Indians not taxed. 

MARYLAND— Convicted of felony, unless pardoned, lunatics, persons non compos 

MASSACHUSETTS— Paupers and persons under guardianship. 
MICHIGAN— Indians with tribal relations, duelists and accessories. 
MINNESOTA— Convicted of treason 6r felony, unless pardoned, under guardiiatn- 

ship, insane, Indians untaxed. 
MISSISSIPPI— Insane, idiots, Indians not taxed, felons, persons who have not 

paid taxes. 
MISSOURI— Persons in poorhouses or asylums at public expense, those in prison 

or who have been convicted of infamous crimes. 
MONTANA— Convicted of felony, unless pardoned, idiots, msane, United States 

soldiers, seamen, and marines, Indians. 
NEBRASKA— Convicted of felony, unless restored to civil rights, persons non 

compos mentis. 
NEVADA— Idiots, insane, unpardoned convicts, Indians, Chinese. 
NEW HAMPSHIRE— Insane or paupers. 
NEW JERSEY— Idiots, paupers, insane, convicted of crime, unless pardoned or 

restored by law. 
NEW MEXICO TERRITORY— Convicted of felony, unless pardoned. United 

States soldier or camp follower, Indians. 
NEW YORK— Convicted and sentenced to a State prison or penitentiary for felony 

or other infamous crime; person* who have received or offered to receive, or 

who have paid, or promised to pay, compensation for giving or withholding 

votes, or who have laid any bet or wager upon the result of an election. 
NORTH CAROLINA— Convicted of felony or other infathous crime, idiots, lunatics, 

and those who deny the being of Almighty God. 
NORTH DAKOTA— Under guardianship, persons non compos mentis, or convic ed 

of felony and treason, unless restored to civil rights. 
OHIO— Idiots, insane, and felons. 

OKLAHOMA TERRITORY— Indians having tribal relations. 
OREGON- Idiots, insane, convicted of felony, punishable by imprisonment in the 

PENNSYLVANIA— Convicted of perjury and fraud as election officers, or bribery 

of voters. 
RHODE ISLAND— Paupers, lunatics. 
SOUTH CAROLINA— Convicted of felony, or bribery in elections, unless pardoned, 

idiots, insane, paupers. 
SOUTH DAKOTA— Under guardianship, insane, convicted of treason or felony, 

unless pardoned. United States soldiers, seamen, and marines. 
TENNEI^SEE- Convicted of bribery or other infamous offense. 
TEXAS— Idiots, lunatics, paupers, convicted of felony. United States soldiers, ma- 
rines, and seamen. 


UTAH—Idiots, insane, conyicted of treason or crime against elective franchise, un- 
less pardoned. 

VERMONT— Those who have not obtained the approbation of the board of civil 
authority of the town in which they reside. 

VIRGINIA— Idiots, lunatics. 

WASHINGTON— Idiots, lunatics, convicted of infamous crimes, Indians not 

WEST VIRGINIA— Paupers, idiots, lunatics, convicted of treason, felony, or 
bribery at elections. 

WISCONSIN— Indians having tribal relations, insane, convicted of treason or 

WYOMING^— Idiots, insane, convicted of infamous crimes, unable to read state 

^ Requirements Regardingr Registration of Voters. 

The registration of voters is required in the States of Alabama, Callfomia, 
Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Louisiana, 
Biaryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Montana, Nevada, 
New Hampshire, New Jersey, North Carolina, Pennsylvania (voter not registered 
can vote upon proof of residence). South Carolina, Tennessee, Utah, Virginia, and 
Wyoming, and the Territories of Arizona and New Mexico. 

In Vermont must take freeman's oath before voting first time, no registration 
required. - 

In Iowa in cities having 3,500 inhabitants. 

In Nebraska in cities having over 7,000 inhabitants. 

In Kentucky in cities and towns having a population of 3,000 or more, in Kansas 
in cities of the first and second class, in North Dakota in cities and villages of 1,000 
Inhabitants and over, in Ohio in cities having a population of 10,000 and over, in 
Maine In all cities and in towns having 500 or more voters. In Oklahoma Territory 
in cities of the first class. 

In Missouri it is required in cities of 100,000 inhabitants and over, and in Wis- 
consin in cities of 2,000 inhabitants or more and in townships of 3,000 inhabitants or 
more. In New York it is required in cities and villages containing upward of 5,000 
population. Personal appearance not required in towns or villages of less than 5,000 
inhabitants. In Rhode Island non-taxpayers are required to register ydiarly before 
December 31. In Texas In cities of 10.000 inhabitants or more. In South Dakota in 
cities, but not in country precincts. 

In the State of Washington all voters in all cities and towns and all voting pre- 
cincts having a voting population of 250 or more must be registered. 

The registration of voters is not require in the States of Indiana and Oregon. 
It is prohibited in Arkansas and West Virginia by constitutional provision. 

Woman Suffrage. 

In 1898 woman suffrage bills were defeated in the legislatures of Massachusetts, 
Iowa and Ohio. 

In Colorado, Idaho, Utah and Wyoming women have full suffrage and vote for 
all officers, including Presidential electors. The Woman Suffrage law was adopted 
in Wyoming in 1870, and in Colorado in 1803, and woman suffrage is a constitutional 
provision in Utah. 

In Kansas women exercise the suffrage largely in municipal elections. 

In some form, mainly as to taxation or the selection of school officers, woman 
suffrage exists in a limited way in Arizona, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, 
Iowa, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, New 
Hampshire, New Jersey, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, 
Texas, Vermont, Washington and Wisconsin. 

In many European countries, in Australia and New Zealand, in Cape Colony, in 
Canada, and in parts of India women vote on various terms for municipal or school 



■IjBCTOBAIj and POPULAB votes fob PBBSIDENT FBOM 1824 TO 1890. 

B V' ■ p B ' " fid 
<B B * 

• a' 



li I 





ii; 8Sn;:idi^riigii:£^E!S£s 

O H D 

I I 

I § 


na A 

O O 

IS a J 

1= 1 ■^ 

T* * tD 


1 13- 


S p "^ 

. =- . B ^ a : p a 3 

«* (So) 
O O "^ 




' ^ 







^Successful candidates. 

R. Republican. D. Democrat. N. R. National Republican. I. Independent. 
A. US. Anti-Masonic. W. Whig. L. Liberal. F. S. Free Soil. F. D. Free Demo- 
crat. A. American. U. Union. G. Greenback. Pr. Prohibition. Pe. Peonies. 
8. L. Socialistic Labor. Po. Populist. N. D. National Democrat. 


How the President Is Elected. 

Members of the Electoral Collei:e as Chosen 
by the States. 

While the people elect a President by their votes they do not vote direct for 
the clBkndidate. The work is done through an Electoral College. In other words, 
each State puts up a ticket of Presidential Electors, and these cast the vote which 
finally decides who shall be President and Vice-President. 

This ticket is made up so as to give one Elector for each United States Senator 
and one for each member of Congress. The college, therefore, this year will contain 
447 Electors. The successful candidates for President and Vice-President will be 
required to secure not less than 224. 

The college by States is as follows, as based on the apportionment act of 
February?, 1891: 

No. Gfatft No- stAtfl No. 

Electors ^^*^® Electors °^^ Electors 




Arkansas T 8 

California 9 

Colorado 4 

Connecticut 6 

Delaware 3 

Florida 4 

Georgia 13 

Idaho 3 

Illinois 24 

Indiana 15 

Iowa 13 

Kansas 10 

Kentucky 13 

Louisiana 8 

Maine 6 

Necessary to choice, 224. 

Maryland 8 

Massachusetts 15 

Michigan 14 

Minnesota 9 

Mississippi 9 

Missouri 17 

Montana 3 

Nebraska 8 

Nevada 3 

New Hampshire 4 

New Jersey 10 

New York 36 

North Carolina 11 

North Dakota 3 

Ohio 23 

Oregon 4 

Pennsylvania 82 

Rhode Island 4 

South Carolina 9 

SouthDakota 4 

Tennessee 12 

Texas .* 15 

Utah 3 

Vermont 4 

Virginia 12 

Washington 4 

West Virginia 6 

Wisconsin 12 

Wyoming 8 

Total 447 


The Presidential succession is fixed by chapter 4 of the acts of the Forty-ninth 
Congress, first session. In case of the removal, death, resignation, or inability of 
both the President and Vice-President, then the Secretary of State shall act as 
President until the disability of the President or Vice-President is removed or a 
President is elected. If there be no Secretary of State, then the Secretary of the 
Treasury will act; and the remainder of the order of succession is as follows: The 
Secretary of War, Attorney-Oeneral, Postmaster-General, Secretary of the Navy, 
and Secretary of the Interior. The acting President must, upon taking office, con- 
vene Congress, if not at the time in session, in extraordinary session, giving twenty 
days* notice. This act applies only to such cabinet officers as shall have been 
appointed by the advice and consent of the Senate, and are eligible under the Con- 
stitution to the Presidency. 

Of the presidents, Adams, federationist; Polk, Buchanan and Cleveland, 
democrats; Taylor, whig; Lincoln, Hayes, Oarfield and Harrison, republicans, did 
not, when elected, receive a majority of the popular vote. The highest percentage 
of popular vote received by any president was 55.97 for Jackson, democrat, in 1828, 
and the lowest 39.91 f or Lincoln, republican, in 1860. Hayes and Harrison, with the 
exception of John Quincy Adams, who was chosen by the house of representatives, 
were the only presidents ever elected who did not have a majority over their prin- 
cipal competitors, and Tllden and Cleveland the only defeated candidates who had 
a majority over the president-elect. 



States and 




ley, Rep- 

N. Dom. 

ing, Pro. 

Nat. ' 

Soc. L. 


California. ... 
Colorado . , . . - ^ 
ConaecUcut. .. 
Oc-l ttiWar6» 1 1 1 ^ . 





























; 30,680 



















J 59. 541 




















"' 2,006 ' 






' '6,300' 
2. 145 








?B,sra B 

72,591 B 

2,797 MeK 
134,882 H 
53,545 McK 

3.tl30 McK 







Florida. . *- 

31,448 B 

Georgia ,. 

Idaho ..„,...*. 

34,141 B 

10,868 B 


Itidlsia&., ,...'. 
Iowa • «» 






142,49B McK 
«?5,552 McK 
12,269 B ■ 

281 McK 

KiVEiaas . ^ 

Kentuoky.. . > . ► 

LiOulslaDa ..... 

56 138 B 

Maine .... -» 











45.777 McK 
3-3,224 McK 
173,255 MoK 




56.868 McK 
53,876 MctC 

Mlsal^stppi. . . . 



Neliraaka., ... 

58 7^ B 



58,727 B 
32,(^ B 
13,576 B 
6 439 B 

N. Qampablro. 





'■ 1.857 





' 1,951 












35,794 McK 
87.692 McK 

New York 

N. Carolina.... 
Nonb DfkkotftH 


268,469 McK 
19.266 B 
5,649 McK 


Oregon - . . . 



47.497 McK 
2,117 McK 

Fennsylvanla , 
Rhode Island , 
S. Carolina , . . . 



2^,072 McK 
£2,978 McK 
49,517 B 
1S8 B 

South Dakota. 


Tonnessee . , , 

:. :: 

17,4% B 

T^zag ,,,- 

202,914 B 


51,033 B 

VeriHOTXt ...... 




40,490 McK 


W. Virginia. . . 
WlflooDflln ... 




19.34! B 
12,493 B 
11,487 McK 
i<]2,0l2 M<iK 
563 -B 








*In both California and Kentucky one Bryan candidate for elector 
was elected. 

Popular Vote, McKinley over Bryan 603,514 

Popular Vote, McKinley over all 286,728 

Electoral Vote, McKinley over Bryan 95 

Straight Fusion Vote for Bryan 6,267, 198 

Straight Populist Vote for Bryan 245,728 

Total Popular Vote, 1896 13,923,378 



















Pentj^lvanla — 
New Jersey * p . . . 

Georgia ^ 

CoiJuecticut . 

MaoBucli^isette.. . 

Maryland * 

South Carolina. 
New Hampehire 


New York 

North Carolina* 
Rhode Island 



December 7. 
December 12, 
December 18. 
January 2. 
January 6, 
February 6. 
April 2!6, 
May 23. 
June 21. 
June m 
July 26. 
November 21, 
May 2fl. 













Vermont,. ,.. 






Miaalsglppi . .. 

llilDOlS ,. 

Alabama . 

Maine ........ 


Arkansas... , , , 
Michigan . . * . . 



Iowa ...,..,.., 



Minnesota , . , . 


Kansas ....... 

Weit Virginia 
Nevada ..,.,,, 
Nebraska... .. 

Colorado ...... 

North Dakota. 
South Dakota. 


Washington . . 
Idaho... .\* .., 
Wyoming*., . . 
Utah ......... 



March 4p 
June 1. 
June 1. 
November 29. 
April 30. 
December 11, 
December JO. 
December 3. 
December 14* 
March 15. 
August 10, 
June 15. 
January 26. 
March 3, 
December 29. 
December 28* 
May 29. 
September 9, 
May 11. 
February 14* 
January 29. 
June 19, 
October 31. 
March 1. 
August 1. 
November 2. 
November 2. 
November t, 
November 11. 
July 3. 
July 11. 



The electoral vote as declared by Ck>ngres8 Jan. 11, 1897, was as follows: 










Alabama * ,..♦**. 




















" '4^ 





" ■'«' 



Arka&Bas * * * ..*...»* n 


California ........ ^ ^ >........ ^^ 


Colorado -,.,,-,,, 


Connecticut ^ ... * . . 


Delaware ...,*....^.p*«* * 

Florida .*-,*.. .--. 



Georg'ia ...i*«<. -f^*,.......^. ,«»«-«. 

Idaho ... 






Indiana* ..,,♦,...., 

Iowa ..«.,,.«.,., ....*«... . 

Kansas .,,..... 



Kentucky , . . . , ,.....,».. 


Louisiana ...«*....«..,.............. 


Maine .,..**...*,,.,... 




Maryland* ....>........,.,........., 


M icb igau ^ ..... * 

Minneeota. .......«......*... 




MIbsou rl .*....,,.,,.....*** 


Montana...*... , ,. 



Nevada . »*.....,....,.♦,,.,, ^ ...... . 

New Hampehire 



New Jeney , . . . 

New York 

North Carolina 



North Dakota 





Oregon , 


Rhode Island 

South Caroling. ...... ^ ,. , 




South Dakota. ..,...,,.. 

Tennes&ee „ , , . , . . 

Texaa „ , . 



Vermont ,*..,,, ^ .. . . 


Virginia , . 


Washington ., ,. ,, 


Weat Vir^tnla. ...,.\]\ 


Wlseonsln , .*,...... 




Total _ 











JO 3^3018 



9q otiCH_ 




ag^w^w^^fcd oi-*-^ «j^i_^^ ^^M*ci cisdicrioa^ '«'»- 

g^SjWWmti ' ihF 1>- td F^ CO 'Od « -^ fl? pg ^ ;^ c^ ■ 'i-l*-; 






gS S:5£"gS = -gS-''»'«='3S^'-'Slg2'S's||£'°-°"° 

§ ill 

I ||iir§" I ; M 







^ *0 ^ P3- 5J T- kfl iC M PI -i^Tof -^ C* (d ijf -^ ^ rfic a 


:S - : 

c5 : d: ; « ■ ' ■ - ■ S 

• O O O O . L 


- o o 

S) 4a tQ «Q kS 

m Alia 



: :& 

(J p - . ■ . ^a-a 

I : :jj :cug 

T: ^ [3 fci 3 C «!** "^ P 


Otj '0*^S0 o^o'*oo 



□ !S k 

s ::£ :::! 






08 JS 


2 N 









Monetary System of the United States. 

In 1786 the Congress of the Confederation chose as the monetary unit of |the 
United States the dollar of 375.64 grains of pure silver. This unit had its origin in 
the Spanish piaster or milled dollar, which constituted the basis of the metallic cir- 
culation of the English colonies in America. It was never coined, there being at 
that time no mint in the United States. 

The aet of April 2, 1792, established the first monetary system of the United 
States. The bases of the system were: The gold dollar or unit, containing 24.75 
grains of pure gold, and stamped in pieces of $10, 95, and 82^, denominated, respect- 
ively, eagles, half eagles, and quarter eagles; the silver dollar or unit, containing 
371.25 grains of pure silver. A mint was established. The coinage was imlimited 
and there was no mint charge. The ratio of gold to silver in coinage was 1 : 15. Both 
gold and silver were legal tender. The standard was double. 

The act of 1792 undervalued gold, which was therefore exported. The act of June 
28, 1884, was passed to remedy this, by changing the mint ratio between the metals 
to 1:16.002. This latter act fixed the weight of the gold dollar at 25.8 grains, but low- 
ered the fineness from 0.916K to 0.8902^. The fine weight of the gold dollar was thus 
reduced to 23.2 grains. The act of 1834 undervalued silver as that of 1792 had under- 
valued gold, and silver was attracted to Europe by the more favorable ratio of 1 : 15%. 
The act of January 18, 1837, was passed to make the fineness of the gold and silver 
coins uniform. The legal weight of the gold dollar was fixed at 25.8 grains, and its 
fine weight at 2322 grains. The fineness was, therefore, changed by this act to 
0.900 and the ratio 1 : 15.998-1-. 

Silver continued to be exported. The act of February 21, 1853, reduced the 
weight of the silver coins of a denomination less than $1, which the acts of 1792 and 
1887 had made exactly proportional to the weight of the silver dollar, and provided 
that they should be legal tender to the amount of only $5. Under the acts of 1792 
and 1837 they had been full legal tender. By the act of 1853 the legal weight of the 
half dollar was reduced to 192 grains and that of the other fractions of the dollar in 
proportion. The coinage of the fractional parts of the dollar was reserved to the 

The act of February 12, 1873, provided that the unit of value of the United States 
should be the gold dollar of the standard weight of 25.8 grains, and that there should 
be coined besides the following gold coins: A quarter eagle, or 2^-dollar piece; a 
3-dollar piece; a half eagle, or 5-dollar piece; an eagle, or lO-doUar piece, and a 
double eagle, or 20-dollar piece, all of a standard weight proportional to that of the 
dollar piece. These coins were made legal tender in all payments at their nominal 
value when not below the standard weight and limit of tolerance provided in the act 
for the single piece, and when reduced in weight .they should be legal tender at a 
valuation in proportion to their actual weight. The silver coins provided for by the 
aet were a trade dollar, a half dollar, or 50-cent piece, a quarter dollar, and a 10-cent 
piece; the weight of the trade dollar to be 420 grains troy; the half dollar 12H grams; 
the quarter dollar and the dime, respectively, one-half and one-fifth of the weight of 
the half dollar. These silver coins were made legal tender at their nominal value 
for any amount not exceeding 85 in any one pasrment. The charge for converting 
standard gold bullion into coin was fixed at one-fifth of 1 per cent. Owners of silver 
bullion were allowed to deposit it at any mint of the United States ito be formed 
into bars or into trade dollars, and no deposit of silver for other coinage was to be 

Section n of the joint resolution of July 22, 1876, recited that the trade dollar 
should not thereafter be legal tender, and that the Secretary of the Treasury should 
be authorized to limit the coinage of the same to an amount sufficient to meet the 
export demand for it. The act of March 3, 1887, retired the trade dollar and pro- 
hibited its coinage. That of September 26, 1890, discontinued the coinage of the 
l-doUar and 8-doUar gold pieces. 


The act of February 28, 1878, directed the coinage of silver dol^^rs of the weight 
of 4124 grains troy, of standard silver, as provided In the act of Jaomry 18, 1837, and 
that such coins, with all standard silver dollars theretofore coined, should be legal 
tender at their nominal value for all debts and dues, public and private, except 
where otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract. 

The Secretary of the Treasury was authorized and directed by the first section 
of the act to purchase from time to time silver bullion at the market price thereof, 
not less than 92,000,000 worth nor more than $4,000,000 per month, and to cause the 
same to be coined monthly, as fast as purchased, into such dollars. A subsequent act, 
that of July 14, 1800, enacted that the Secretary of the Treasury should purchase sil- 
ver bullion to the aggregate amount of 4,500,000 ounces, or so much thereof as might 
be offered, each month, at the market price thereof, not exceeding 81 for 371.25 
grains of pure silver, and to issue in payment thereof Treasury notes of the United 
States, such notes to be redeemable by the Government, on demand, in coin, and to 
be^legal tender in payment of alldebts, public and private, except where otherwise 
expressly stipulated in the contract. The act directed the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury to coin each month 2,000,000 ounces of the silver bullion purchased under the 
provisions of the act into standard silver dollars until the Ist day of July, 1891, and 
thereafter as much as might be necessary, to provide for the redemption of the 
Treasury notes issued under the act. The purchasing clause of the act of July 14, 
1800, was repealed by the act of November 1, 1893. 

The act of June 9, 1879, made the subsidiary sliver coins of the ITnitad States 
legal tender to the amount of 810. The minor coins are legal tender to the amount 
of 25 cents. 


Pbb Ybab. 

President of the United States $50,000 

Vice-President of the United States 8,000 

Secretary of State 8,000 

Secretary of the Treasury 8,000 

Secretary of War 8,000 

Secretary of the Navy 8,000 

Secretary of the Interior 8,000 

Secretary of Agriculture 8,000 

Attorney General 8,000 

Postmaster General 8,000 

Librarian of Congress 6,000 

United States Senators 5,000 

Speaker House of Representatives 8,000 

Members House of Bepresentatives 6,000 

Chief Justice United States Supreme Court 10,500 

Associate Justices United States Supreme Court 10,000 

Judges United States Circuit Courts 6,000 

Judges United States District Courts 6,000 

Constitntlon of the United States. 

We. the people of tfce ITnited States. inoi^XT to form a more perfect Union. e«t€b- 
Imh justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense^ promote the 
funeral welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity t do 
^rdainand estamshthils CONSTITUTION^ for the TTnUed States of America. 


Sbctioh 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Oongrest 
«f the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. 

Smo. 2. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen 
every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State 
ghall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of 
the State Iieglslature. 

2. No person shall be a Representative, who shall not have attained to the age 
of twenty-live years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who 
diall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 

8. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several 
States which may be included within this Union according to their respectiv j num- 
bers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, 
including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not 
taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within 
three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and 
within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law 
direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thou- 
sand, but each State shall have at least one Representative; and until such enumera- 
tion shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose 3; 
Massachusetts, 8: Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 1; Connecticut, 5; New 
York, fi; New Jersey, 4; Pennsylvania, 8; Delaware,!; Maryland, 6; Virginia, 10; 
l^orth Oarolina, 5; South Carolina, 5, and Georgia, 3. (See Article XIV., Amend- 

4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the Execu- 
ttve Authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers. 
and shall have the sole power of Impeachment. 

Ssa a. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Sena- 
ton from each State* chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years; and each 
Senator shall have one vote. 

9l Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first elec- 
tion, they shall be divided as equally as may be Into three classes. The seats of the 
. Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of 
the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the 
expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year; 
and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the 
Legishiture of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointment 
until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 

8. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of th^ty 
years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when 
elftfttedi be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 

4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, 
Imt shall have no vote unless they be equally divided. 

ft. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tem- 
pore, in the absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the office of 
President ot the United States. 

6 The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sit- 
itng tor that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of 
the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside; and no person shall be 
eonTleced without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 

7. Judgment in oases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal 
from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or 
profit under the United States; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable 
and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. 

Sbc. 4. 1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and 
Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but 
the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to 
places of choosing Senators. 

2. The Ck>ngress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting 
shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a differ- 
ent day. 

Sao. 5. 1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and 
qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a 
quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and 
may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members in sueh manner 
and under such penalties as each House may provide. 

2 Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members 
for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two-thirds expel a member. 

8. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time 
publish the same, excepting such parts as may In their judgment require secrecy; 
and the yeas and nays of the members of either House on any question shall, at the 
desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 

4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of 
the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in 
which the two Houses shall be sitting. 

Sna & 1. The Senators an^ Representatives shall receive a compensation for 
their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United 
States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, l>e 
privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective 
Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate 
in either House they shall not be questioned in any other place. 

2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was 
elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States 
which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased 
during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States shall 
be a member of either House during his continuance in office. 

SBa 7. 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on other 

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the 
Senate shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United 
States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it, with his objec- 
tions, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections 
at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsidera- 
tion two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together 
with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered; 
and if approved by two-thirds of that House it shall become a law. But in all such 
cases the votes ol both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names 
of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each 
House, respectively. 11 any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten 
days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall 
be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjourn- 
ment prevent its return; in which case it shall not be a law. 

a Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and 
House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) 
shall be presented to the President oi the United States; and before the same shall 
$aJks effect eh»U be approved by him, or, being disapproved by him« shall be repassed 


by two-thirds of tbe Senate and the House of Representatives, according to thC 
rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 

Ssc. 8. 1. The Congress shall have power: To lay and collect taxes, duties, 
imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and 
general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be 
uniform throughout the United States 

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States. 

& To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, 
and with the Indian tribes. 

4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization and uniform laws on the sub- 
ject of bankruptcies throughout the United States 

5. To coin money, regulate thd value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the 
standard of weights and measures. 

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current 
coin of the United States. 

7. To establish post-ofBices and post-roads. 

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts by securing for limited 
times to authors and Inventors the exclusive rights to their respective writings and 

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court. 

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and 
offenses against the law of nations . 

llw To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules con- 
cerning captures on land and water. 

12. To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall 
be for a longer term than two years. 

18. To provide and maintain a navy. 

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval 

16. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, 
suppress insurrections and repei invasions. 

16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and for gbv- 
eming such part of them as may^}e employed in the service of the United States, 
reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the officers, and the author- 
ity of training the militia according to the discipline described by (!k)ngress. ' 

17« To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district 
(not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States and the ao- 
oeptance of Congress, became the seat of Government of the United States, and to 
exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of 
the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, 
dry 'docks and other needful buildings. 

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into 
execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in 
the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. 

Sec. 0. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States 
now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by the Congress 
prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be 
imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. 

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless 
when In cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. 

3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. 

4 No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the 
census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. 

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. 

d No preference shall be given \>9 Obix^ iQ^\dXVc(CL qH ^vsnst&Kt^iRk ^x T^^^sc^ii^^ m;^ 


tlie ports of one State over those of anotlier, nor shall yoMelB boui^Gl to or from 
one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 

7. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury but in consequence of appro- 
priations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and ex- 
penditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 

8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the Uiited States; and no person 
holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of the 
Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever 
from any king, prince or foreign state. 

Sec. 10. 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation, 
grant letters of marque and reprisal, coin money, emit bills of credit, make anything 
but gold or silver coin a tender in payment of debts, pass any bill of attainder, ex 
post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of 

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any Impost or duties 
on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its 
Inspection laws, and the net proceeds of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on 
imports or exports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of the United States; and 
all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. 

3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, 
keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any ag:?eement or compact 
with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage In war, unless actually in- 
vaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. 


Section 1. 1. The Executive power shall be vested in a President of the 
United States of America. He shall hold his office during a term of four years, and, 
together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows: 

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature may direct, a 
number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to 
which the State may be entitled in the Congress; but no Senator or Representative 
or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be ap- 
pointed an elector. 

3. (The electors shall meet in their respective States and vote by ballot for two 
persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with 
themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the 
number of votes for each, which list they shall sign and certify and transmit, sealed, 
to the seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the 
Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and 
House of Representatives, open all of the certificates, and the votes shall t ben be 
counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if 
such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if there 
be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then 
the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for 
President; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list 
the House shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the Presi- 
dent, the vote shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having 
one vote. A quorum, for this purpose, shall consist of a member or members from 
two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a 
choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the 
greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there 
should be two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by 
ballot the Vice-President.) (This clause is superseded by Article XII., Amend- 

4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors and the day 
on which they shall give their votes, which day shall be the same throughout the 
United States. 

5. No person, except a natural bom citizen, or a citizen of the United States at 
the time of the adoption at this Constitution, shall Y>e eV\«Vb\Q to %\i« otBLAA ot Pt^al- 


dent; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained 
the age of thirty* five years and been fourteen years a resident within the United 

0. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resigna. 
tion, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same 
shall devolve oft the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law provide for the 
case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice- 
President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall 
act accordingly until the disability be removed or a President shall be elected. 

7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his servi es a compensation, 
which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he 
shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other 
emolument from the United States, or any of them. 

8. Before h^ enter on the execution of his office he shall take the following 
oath or affirmation: 

**I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of 
President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, 
and defend the Ck>nstiiution of the United States." 

Sbo. 2. 1. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy 
of the United States, and'of the militia of the several States, when called into the 
actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the 
principal officer in each of theexecutiv3 departments upon any subject relating to 
the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves 
and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to 
make treaties, provided two-thirds of ihe Senators present concur: and he shall 
nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate shall appoint 
ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and 
all other officers of the United States whose appointments are not herein otherwise 
provided for, and which shall be establi^iied by law; but the Congress may by law 
vest the appointment of such Inferior officers as they think proper in the President 
alone, In the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 

8. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen 
during the recess of the Senate by granting commissions, which shall expire at the 
end of their next session. 

Sbo. 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress information of ilie 
state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measure^ as he shall 
judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordla.'\ry occ:ision3. convene both 
Houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them with respect 
to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think 
proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care 
that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the 
United States. 

Sbo. 4. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United 
States shall be removed from office on impeachment for and conviction of treason, 
bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 


SBonoN 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one 
Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress m3,j from time to time 
ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall 
hold their offices during good behavior, and shall at stated times receive for their 
services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in 

SBa 2. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising 
under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which 
i^all be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other pub- 
lic ministers, und consuls; tp all cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction; to 
epDtrpversi^ tp wfUc)i the yaitedSl2^tQa fi;h»\\\^^ ^\^T\.i\\A^»st!^.^^««&aiRk\sRS«ii^- 


two or more States, between a State and oitizens of another State, between citizens 
of different States, between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants 
of different States and between a State or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, 
citizens, or subjects. 

^2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, and 
those in which a State shall be party, the Supreme Court shall have original Juris- 
diction. In all the other cases before-mentioned the Supreme Court shall have 
appellate jurisdiction both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such 
regulations as the Congress shall make. 

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury, and 
such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been com- 
mitted; but when not committed within any State the trial shall be at such place or 
places as the Congress may by law have directed. 

Sbo. 3. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war 
against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No 
person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the 
same overt act, or on confession in open court. 

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no 
attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture except during the 
life of the person attained. 


SEOnoN 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, 
redbrds, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by 
general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings 
shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 

Sbo. 2. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and 
immunities of citizens in the several States. 

2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall 
flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the Executive 
authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the 
State having jurisdiction of the crime. 

3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, 
escaping into another shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be dis- 
charged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party 
to whom such service or labor may be due. 

Seo. 3. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but 
no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State, 
nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, 
without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of the 

2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and 
regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United 
States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any 
claims of the United States, or of any particular State. 

Sec. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a repub- 
lican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion, and, on 
application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be 
convened), against domestic violence. 

The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, 
shall propose amendments to this Coni^itution, or, on the application of the Legis- 
latures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for proposing 
amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as 
part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the 
several States, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the oth^r 
mode of ratlScatioD maybe proposed by the Congress; provided that no amend- 
meat wbiob may he made prior to the year one thouBObH^ e\«'hx \i\mAx«Qi «xA ^ygbx 


•hall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the Ninth Section of the 
First Article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal 
8ufl!rage in the Senate. 


1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of 
this Constitution shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution 
as under the Confederation. 

2. This Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in 
pursuance thereof and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the author- 
ity of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges in 
every State thall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any 
State to the contrary notwithstanding. 

a The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of 
fhe several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the 
United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to 
support this Constitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualifi- 
cation to any office or public trust under the United States. 

The ratification of the Conventions of nine States [shall be sufficient for the 
establiBhment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. 


The first ten amendments were proposed in Congress during its first session, 
and on the 15th of December, 1791, were ratified. The eleventh amendment was pro- 
posed during the first session of the Third Congress, and was announced by the 
President of the United States in a message to it of date January 8, 1798, as having 
been ratified. The twelfth amendment originated with Hamilton, and was proposed 
during Voa first session of the Eighth Congress, and was adopted in 1804. 

Congress shall make no law respecting establishment of religion, or prohibiting 
the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press: 
or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government 
for a redress of grievances. 

A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the 
right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 

No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent 
of the owner, nor in time of war but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, 
against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants 
shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and partic- 
ularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital or other infamous crime unless 
on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except ia cases arising in the land 
or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public 
danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in 
jeopardy of life or limb: nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a 
witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due 
process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just 

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and 
public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall 
have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, 
and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with 
the witnesses a^rainst him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in 
his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. 

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty 
dollars, the rlcrht of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall 
be otherwise re-examined in any court in the United States than according to the 
rules of the common law. 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and 
unusual punishments inflicted. 

The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to 
deny or disparage others retained by the people. 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor pro- 
hibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. 

The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any 
suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States, by 
citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. 

The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for Presi- 
dent and Vice-President, one of whom at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the 
same State with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for 
as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President; and 
they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all 
persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which list 
they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the Government of 
the United States, directed to the President of the Senate; the President of the 
Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open 
all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted; the person having the 
greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a ^ 
majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such 
majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, 
on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall 
choose Immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the 
votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; 
a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of 
the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And 
if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President, whenever the right of 
choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then 
the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other 
constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number 
of votes as Vice-President shall be th" Vice-President, if such number be a majority 
of the whole number of electors appointed and if no person have a majority, then 
from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the Vice-President ; 
a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two- thirds of the whole number of Senators, 
and a majority of the whole number shall be-^ecessary to a choice. But no person 
constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of 
Vice-President of the United States. 


ThtfoOawkng cmMnOmmt tocu ratli/Ud hy Alabama, December 2, 1966, which fiUed 
the reqiOstU complement of ratifying States^ and was certified by the Secretary of State 
to have become vaUd as a part of the ComtUvtUm of the United States, December 
J8, 1866: 


1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime 
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the lUnited 
States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. 

The following amendment was certified by the Secretary of State to have be- 
come valid as a part of the Constitution of the United States, July 28, 186R: 


1. All persons bom or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the 
jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they 
reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges 
or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any 
];)erson of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nqr deny to any 
person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 

2. Representatives shall be appointed among the several States according to 
their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons In each State, 
excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the 
choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Repre- 
sentatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members 
of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, 
being of twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way 
abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, tbe basis of repre- 
sentation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male 
citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in 
such state. 

3. No person shalLbe a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of 
President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the 
United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a 
member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of 
any State Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support 
the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebel- 
lion against the same, or given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof. But 
Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. 

4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, 
including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in 
suppressing insurrection and rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the 
United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in 
aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or 
emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims sball be 
held illegal and void. 

5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate legislation the 
provisions of this article. 

The following amendment was proposed to the Legislatures of the several 
States by the Fortieth Congress on the 27th of February, 1869, and was declared, in 
a proclamation of the Secretary of State, dated March 30, 1870, to have been ratified 
by the Legislatures of twenty- nine of the thirty -seven States: 


1. The right of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or 
abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous 
condition of servitude. 

2. The Congress shall have power to enforce the provisions of this article by 
appropriate legislation. 


A TRIP TO CALIFORNIA, in regal splendor, 
^^ can be made on " The Overland Limited", 
the celebrated Union Pacific train. This train 
runs via the "Overland Route", the established 
route across the continent. It has perhaps the 
most finely equipped cars in the world. There 
are Double Drawing^Room Palace Sleepers, broad- 
vestibuled Cars throughout, Buffet Smoking and 
Library Cars with Barber Shops and Pleasant 
Reading-Rooms, Dining Cars, meals being served 
a la carte, and every delicacy is provided. The 
cars are illuminated with the famous Pintsch 
Light and heated with steam. A notable feature 
is that safety, perfect comfort and speed are all 
included. Only three nights from Chicago and 
two from Missouri River before reaching San 
Francisco. You can leave Omaha, on " The 
Overland Limited" after breakfast, and reach 
the Pacific Coast as soon as those who start via 
any other route the day before. 


For Time JiWi 
Illustrated Books 
Descriptive of the 
country trdversed, 
or any inforrndtion, 
jippiy to your tocdl 
A^entwHo can sell 
you d ticket via the 

or 1 1 LOMAX, 
aenerel Passenger 
dod Ticket A$eiit, 
Onidlid, Neb. 

The Quick 


NissoQri River to Salt iiM (ity 

Ten Hours Quicker 

Missouri River to San Francisco 

Fifteen Hours (tuicker 

Missouri River to Portland 

Fifteen Hours Quicker 


BuFfet Siokin^ mi Library Qrs 

With Barber Shop dfid Pleasdnt Redding Rooms 

Doutile Dfdwifi^ Rooi Pakiz Sleepers 

Dining Qrs, Meals d id (arte 

Pintscti Li^ht, Stedfli (leat, etc. 

Chicago TO Portland 








///// / //mmii 




150 MILES 


Sleeping Cars 

Library Cars 
















Sleeping Cars 


etc., etc. 












6.30 p.m. 







7.45 a.m. 







8 20 a.m. 







9.00 p.m. 







8 55 a.m. 







9.35 a.m. 







4.10 p.m. 







5.00 p.m. 







3.00 a.m. 







4.30 p.m. 




















Union Pacific Railroad Co. 

Which will be forwarded free of charge, on application to any of the agencies 
named on 3d page of cover, provided that with the application is enclosed the amount 
of postage specified for each publication. All these books and pamphlets are fresh 
from the press, many of them handsomely illustrated, and accurate as regards the 
region of country described. They will be found entertaining and instructive, 
and invaluable as guides to and authority on the fertile tracts and landscape 
wonders of the great empire of the West. There is information for the tourist, 
pleasure and health seeker, the investor, the settler, the sportsman, the artist, and 

A OLIBtPSB OF OBKAT SAIiT UkKK-Send 4 cents for postage. 

This is a charming description of a yachting cruise on the mysterious inland 
sea, beautifully illustrated with original sketches of Salt Lake City. The 
startling phenomena of sea and cloud and light and color are finely portrayed. 
This book touches a new region, a voyage on Great Salt LAke never before 
having been described and pictured. 


Send 2 cents for postage. 

A highly-finished lithograph view, showing the region between the Missouri 

River and the States of Idaho and Nevada on the west, locating accurately the 

various mining districts within this region, and showing mountain, river and 


OOBEPBBHBNBIVE PAJfPHIJCTS— Send 4 cents postage for each pamphlet. 
A set of pamphlets on Nebraska, Kansas, Colorado, Wyoming and Utah. These 
books treat of the resources, climate, acreage, minerals, grasses, soil and prod- 
ucts of these various empires, on an extended scale, entering very fully upon 
an exhaustive treatise of the capabilities and promise of the places described. 
They have been very carefully compiled, and the information collated from 
ofBicial reports, actual settlers, and residents of the different States. 

OBKBBAIi FOIiDBB— No postage required. 

A carefully revised General Folder. This publication gives condensed through 
time tables, through car service, a first-class map of the United States west of 
Chicago and St. Louis, important baggage and ticket regulations of the Union 
.aPacific Railroad, thus making a valuable compendium for the traveler and for 
ticket agent in selling through tickets* over the Union Pacific. 

IHDOOB 8POBTS AND GAMBS—Send 5 cents for postage. 

This is a book of about two hundred pages, devoted to indoor amusements, and 
is arranged in three parts. Part I gives the various rules for Billiards, Pool, 
Indoor Base Ball, Basket Ball, Bowling, and Wrestling. Part II gives many 
rules of various games for children's amusement and entertainment, and will 
be highly appreciated by the young folks. Part ni gives all latest authorities 
on Whist, Euchre, High Five, Poker, Cribbage and other card games. 

IBBIOATION FOLDBB— Send 2 cents for postage. 

This is a superbly illustrated and lithographed folder, giving a descriptive list of 
irrigated districts on the line of the Union Pacific Railroad, water power, water 
companies, and practical results accomplished in grain and fruit growing, etc. 

MAP OF THB WOBLD— Just published; 44x62 inches— Send 25 cents for postage 
A large wall map, on cloth, carefully revised to date. All the ocean currents and 
steamship routes elaborately shown. The possessions of Uncle Sam, Hawaii, 
Philippine Islands, and Puerto Pico are down in detail, while the scenes of the 
recent conflict in South Africa, and the present disturbances in China are not 

MAP OF THB UNITBD STATBS— Send 25 cents for postage. 

A large wall map of the United States, complete in every particular, and com- 
piled from the latest surveys; just published; size, 44x62 inches; railways, 
counties, roads, etc. 

OUTDOOB SPOBTS AND PASTIMB6--Send 4 cents for postage. 

A carefully compiled pamphlet of one hundred pages, with diagrams, giving the 
complete rules of Bicycle Racing, Lawn Tennis, Base Ball, CtQ(c^^^>^ 'ejbs^bs<^s^.^ 
Cricket, Quoits, Lacrosse, Polo, Cutlins, YooX ^^^i, Q(^M> ^na« 

PATHFI17DER— No postage required. 

A pamphlet of some eighty pages devoted to local time cards; containing a 
complete list of stations, with interesting data concerning same, also connections 
with ^ estern stage lines and ocean steamships; through car service; baggage 
and Pullman Sleeping Car rates, and the principal ticket regulations, which will 

grove of great value as a ready reference for ticket agents to give passengers 
iformation about the local branches of the Union Pacific Railroad. 

SIGHTS AND SCENES— Send 2 cents for postage for each pamphlet. 

These pamphlets are pocket folder size, illustrated, and are desorlptlTe of tours 
to particular points. The set comprises: 

1. Sights and Scenes in California. 

2. Sights and Scenes in Colorado. 

3. Sights and Scenes in Utah. 


A set of four very handsomely illustrated little books, giving itinerary and a 
brief description of the towns along the main line of the u nlon Pacific between 

1. Council Bluffs and Ogden. 

2. Ogden and Council Bluffs. 

3. Kansas City and Ogden. 

4. Ogden and Kansas City. 

This is a handsome souvenir of sixty-four pages, printed on fine enameled paper 
with tinted bristol cover laced at the hinge with a dainty silk cord. The cuts 
are all finished in colors and some are of exceptional beauty. The book is 
exquslte enough for the parlor or Hbrary. 

THBEB STUDIES IN BAII«BOADINO— Send 4 cents for postage. 

Papers by Gen. G. M. Dodge, first Chief Engineer, and the late Sidney Dillon, 
ex-president of the Union Pacific. The romance of railway building. The won- 
derful story of the early surveys and the building of the Union Pacific. A paper 
by Gen. G. M. Dodge, read before the Society of the Army of the Tennessee, 
September, 1888. General Sherman pronounced this document fascinatingly 
interesting and of great historical value, and vouched for its accuracy. 

««THE OLDEST INHABITANT''- Send 10 cents for postage. 

This is a buffalo head in Sepia, a very artistic study from life. It is character- 
ized by strong drawing and wonderful fidelity. A very handsome acquisition 
for parlor or library. 

TEST POCKET MEMOBANDUM BOOK— Send 2 cents for postage. 

A handy, neatly-gotten-up little memorandum book, very useful for the f armtr, 
business man, traveler, and tourist. 

BIBD'S-EYE VIEW MAPS— Send 6 cents for postage. 

A set of five highly-finished lithograph views, illustrating the grand diviaions of 
the Union Pacific Railroad. These Blrd's-Eye Views give the traveler a view of 
the region between the Missouri River and tjie Pacific Coast. The set Is as 

1. The Great Plains; map of the country between Sioux City, Omaha, St. 
Joseph, and Kansas City, and points on the Missouri River, and Denver. 

2. In the Rocky Mountains; map of the country between Denver and Salt Lake 

3. The Great Salt Lake Basin; map of the country from Salt Lake City to 
Butte and Helena, Montana. 

4. The Columbia River; map of the country from Poca telle to Portland, 
Oregon, and the Pacific Northwest. 

5. The Pacific Slope; map of the country from the summit of the Sierras to 
the Pacific Ocean. 



Tnfnrrti;itini1 ^^S^rding the territory traversed by the 
IlllUilliaUUlI UNION Pacific, or the various resorts 
along the line, will be cheerfully furnished on application to 
any of its representatives at the 

Various Agencies Named Below: 

ALBANY, NEW YORK 23 Maiden Lano 

BOSTON. MASSACHUSETTS 17G Washington Street 

BUPPALO.NEW YORK. 203 Main Street 

CHEYENNE, WYOMING Union Pacific Depot 

CHTCAGO, ILLINOIS 191 South Clark Street 

CINCINNATI, OHIO Room 36, Carew Building 

CLEVELAND, OHIO 211212 Williamson Building 

COUNCIL BLUPPS, IOWA Union Pacillc Transfer 

DENVER, COLORADO 941 Seventeenth Street 

DES MOINES, IOWA 401 Walnut Street 

DETROIT, MICHIGAN 67 Woodward Avenue 



LEAVEN WORTH, KANSAS 228 Delaware Street 


LONDON, ENGLAND 122 Pall Mall 

LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 250 South Spring Street 

NEW YORK CITY, 287 Broadway 


OGDEN, UTAH / Union Depot 

OMAHA, NEBRASKA 1324 Parnam Street 

PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA... .Second Floor, Park Building 

PORTLAND, OSEGON 135 Third Street 

ST. JOSEPH, MISSOURI Board of Trade Building 

ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI 903 Olive Street, Century Building 

ST. PAUL, MINNESOTA 376 Robert Street 


SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH 201 Main Street 


SIOUX CITY, IOWA 603 Fourth Street 

YOKOHAMA, J APAN 4 Water Street